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The Story of a Military Family

Lieutenant Colonel Edward De Santis. 1990.


This narrative tells the life story of Henry Schofield Rogers. As individuals go, Rogers is what the biographers would call an "obscure subject". His name is not known far and wide. He does not appear in history books as one of the great military or civilian leaders of his time; however, his story is quite fascinating in a way, because it is not only the story of one man, but rather the story of an entire lineage of men, at least one of whom was quite famous.

Henry Schofield Rogers' lineage can be indirectly traced back as far as the 11th century to a Norman knight, Count de Rogier, who fought for William the Conqueror at Hastings. His great-great uncle was Robert Rogers, the famous Ranger, whose exploits have been made the subject of books and motion pictures dealing with the French and Indian War in North America in the mid-eighteenth century. The connection between Henry Schofield Rogers and Robert Rogers is made in an unpublished family history written in 1895 by Henry's uncle Robert Zacheus Rogers, although Henry himself makes no mention of his famous relative in his school records or in any other personal accounts of his life. Canadian and British biographical records of Henry, including entries in Who's Who, do not make the connection either. One wonders if Henry knew that his great-great uncle was Robert Rogers. Was he too modest to mention it? Was he ashamed of the connection because of Robert Rogers’ problems with indebtedness and drinking in his later years? Perhaps Henry considered his great-great uncle to be a traitor as was alleged by the British government after the French and Indian War, or maybe Robert Rogers' exploits between 1755 and 1763 were just not considered as important a part of Canadian and British history as they were of American history.

Including Robert Rogers, Henry's progenitors can be traced back through four generations of military men in Canadian history. A Canadian by birth, Henry Schofield Rogers grew up in Peterborough, Ontario, attended the Royal Military College at Kingston, and was commissioned in the British Army as a Second Lieutenant in the Royal Engineers. His military career included service on the North West Frontier of India at the end of the 19th century as well as service in France and Flanders during the Great War of 1914 to 1918.

Following his military career Rogers became prominent in the British Home Office in the early part of the 20th century as the Surveyor of Prisons. After his retirement from government service he continued as an active member of the engineering community in England.

Like his ancestors, Count de Rogier and Robert the Ranger, Henry Schofield Rogers was a soldier and an adventurer. Physically and intellectually he ranked far ahead of his peers. While Robert Rogers had a new world on a sparsely populated continent in which to make his name known, Henry Schofield Rogers lived in a world which, by the time of his birth was "civilized", if not tame. Given Henry's innate physical and mental capacity, he perhaps could have been greater than his great-great uncle had he lived in an earlier time.

In addition to telling the story of Henry Schofield Rogers this narrative describes life in Ontario during the late Victorian period, especially as it relates to the volunteer military forces in Canada at that time. A good deal of space is also devoted to a description of the Royal Military College at Kingston during the time that Rogers attended.

As Henry's life story is told, the lives of his military relatives are interwoven into the narrative in order to describe the world and times in which he lived. The reader will be introduced to well known or even famous people who figured in Rogers' life and with whom he crossed paths or had some close association. Places where Rogers lived and worked are described in detail to reconstruct the conditions he experienced during his lifetime. This detail is presented to "set the scene" as Leon Edel the gifted biographer of Henry James once advised Joseph Lash the successful biographer of Eleanor Roosevelt. Although Henry Schofield Rogers may be an "obscure subject", it is hoped that through "scene-setting" in this manner the reader will not find him to be a dull subject.

2. A MILITARY FAMILY, 1066-1869

Count de Rogier

In 1895 Robert Zacheus Rogers, our hero's uncle, had in his possession a medal which had been brought to the New World in 1740 by his great-great-grandfather James Rogers. The medal bore the inscription of the Rogers coat of arms which according to "Burke's Peerage" of 1895 was described as "Argent, a chevron gules between three stags trippant sable."[1] The Rogers crest was also identified in Burke's as "A stag's head couped."[2] The coat of arms and crest link the Rogers family to Count de Rogier, a knight and officer of Norman French origin in the army of William the Conqueror.

The history of the Rogers family can therefore be traced back as far as the year 1066. The Saxon Harold, in previous negotiations with Duke William of Normandy, had promised the Norman Duke that he would help him to gain the throne of England upon the death of King Edward, the Confessor. After Edward's death Harold himself succeeded to the throne ignoring his previous pledge to William. In his anger William vowed to take the throne of England by force. For the invasion he raised an army of 50,000 knights and 10,000 men-at-arms of lesser standing.[3] William's military endeavor would result in Harold's defeat at the Battle of Hastings. This battle was the first step in the formation of present day England, and Count de Rogier played an important role in that momentous day in history.

It was mid-August of 1066 when Count de Rogier arrived at the mouth of the Dive River between the Seine and the Orne. It was to this assembly area that Duke William called his forces to gather in preparation for the invasion of England. For more than a month strong winds prevented Duke William's army from sailing for England. The host of knights which gathered under William's banner was organized and trained during this period and Count de Rogier was able to sharpen his skills with lance and sword while the army waited for more favourable winds to carry them across the channel.

With the arrival of the equinox the winds at last shifted from the northeast to the west and the army set sail. No sooner had the fleet left shore than the winds rose to gale force and all the ships were driven along the French coast to St. Valery. Many of the ships were wrecked and the coast of Normandy was strewn with the bodies of drowned archers and knights, and their vassals. De Rogier was among the more fortunate. His ship found shelter at St. Valery. The winds subsided as quickly as they had risen and the fleet was able to sail again the same evening with a southern breeze which carried it safely to England.

On the 29th of September 1066 Count de Rogier's ship sailed into Pevensey Bay, in Sussex, along with the remainder of the ships in the Norman fleet. All the ships were run aground side by side in the bay and after they were well anchored de Rogier disembarked at Bulverhithe, between the old Roman fort known as Anderita and the town of Hastings.[4] He stepped ashore fully armed with his lance and sword, and accoutered with his hauberk, shield, and helmet. The knights formed on the beach, mounted their war horses and moved off to an assembly area near the landing site.[5] On the following day William's army marched along the coast to Hastings where a fortified camp was built.

Following the landing and subsequent march to Hastings, a period of unsuccessful negotiations ensued between William and Harold. These negotiations having failed, William chose Saturday, the 14th of October, as the day for the great battle on the verdant Sussex landscape to the northwest of Hastings. William had organized his army into three divisions, two of which were commanded by Rogier de Montgomeri and Alain Fergert, while the third was commanded by the duke himself. Each division was composed of both knights armed with lances and swords, and foot soldiers armed with bows and swords. William began the advance on the English position with foot soldiers leading and the knights supporting them from behind. The advance began in close ranks at a gentle pace so that the divisions could properly maintain their intervals and retain their massed formation. De Rogier rode forward with the knights of his division. He wore chain mail and a helmet for protection of his body and head. His legs were protected by steel boots and he carried a shield on his arm to ward off the blows of Saxon swords and battle axes, and to protect him from their arrows. He carried a lance as his principal weapon for meeting the enemy at the end of the initial charge. However, his favourite weapon, as it was for all Norman knights, was the heavy double-edged sword which he could use at close quarters when the lance could no longer be maneuvered with deadly skill. His cognizances, or colors and markings by which he would be recognized as a Norman knight by his fellow Normans, were carried on his shield and on the blanket of his horse.

As de Rogier advanced over the ridge of rising ground to his front he caught his first glimpse of the Saxon defensive position. King Harold, whose army was composed totally of foot soldiers, had taken up a strong position on the top of Senlac Hill with a wood behind him and a glacis-like slope between his force and that of the advancing Normans. The Saxons had built a fence in front of their position consisting of shields and logs. The fence was so tightly constructed that there were no crevices through which an advancing Norman could easily pass. Harold had massed his best troops, armed with huge battle axes, in the center of the position. The flanks were manned by unarmoured levies from the shires whose principal weapons were swords and spears. King Harold had very few archers in his army.

Having descended the ridge, de Rogier's division crossed a valley, and within a short time all three of the Norman divisions were drawn up abreast facing the Saxon defensive position. The air was filled with the sounds of trumpets, bugles, and horns as the men on both sides aligned themselves, lifted their shields, raised lances and spears, and bent their bows ready for the assault and defense.

De Rogier looked at Duke William and saw him give the signal which would open the battle. The engagement was begun with a volley of arrows and the charge of the Norman foot soldiers who preceded the knights in each division. The Norman knights stood firm awaiting the outcome of the foot soldiers' assault, hoping for a penetration in the Saxon line which they would be able to exploit. Instead, de Rogier watched in horror as, in the center of the defensive position, Saxon axes beheaded the attacking infantry and lopped off limbs at a blow. So vicious was the Saxon defense that the foot soldiers were driven back in disarray and were rashly pursued by the undisciplined shire levies from the flanks of the Saxon position. With the levies in the open the Norman cavalry was given the order to charge the disorganized Saxon foot soldiers who by now were well outside of the protection of their barricade.

At the order to charge de Rogier spurred his horse forward and crossed the open plain at full gallop to engage the now unprotected infantry. He charged the undisciplined levies with his lance and after dispatching a number of them he cast away the weapon in favor of his double-edged sword. It was now hand to hand combat, with de Rogier's sword and shield against the swords and spears of the Saxons. Some doughty Norman knights charged too far into the mass of Saxons and their temerity was soon their undoing. They found themselves too far in front of any of the other Normans to receive assistance from their comrades and they were unable to fight their way back through such large numbers of enemy soldiers. A number of Normans fell under the spear thrusts and sword cuts of the numerous Saxon soldiers who surrounded them.

Although many of the Saxon levies died at the hands of the Norman knights, their numbers were so great that Duke William's men were forced to retire. William saw the lack of discipline exhibited by the Saxon army and reasoned that it could be used to his advantage. He ordered his foot soldiers to advance again and instructed them to feign flight so that the shire levies could again be drawn out into the open. The tactic was exceedingly effective. The Norman knights again charged the disorganized levies and once again de Rogier was in the thick of the combat. From about nine o'clock in the morning until noon the battle continued in this manner until both flanks of the English defensive position were cut to pieces.

Between noon and dusk the massed axmen in the center of the Saxon position bore the full brunt of the fighting. Duke William used his bowmen most effectively by having them fire their arrows at such an angle that they came down almost vertically on the Saxon defenders. The English shields offered little in the way of protection from the arrows and many of the axmen became casualties. Volleys of arrows were alternated with thunderous cavalry charges by the Norman knights. Count de Rogier went again and again into the charnel house that was the field of battle at Hastings.

Finally, near dusk King Harold received a wound in the eye from an arrow. Unable to defend himself Harold was struck a blow on the helmet which knocked him to the ground. He attempted to rise but was beaten down again by a knight who struck him with such a heavy sword cut to the thigh that the blade went clear to the bone. Harold and a number of his more loyal followers were killed on the field of battle and the Saxon standard was captured. While some of the more gallant Saxons chose death on the field with their king, many broke ranks and fled into the woods to the rear of the defensive position.

The Battle of Hastings was over and Norman rule was imposed on England. Thus by the invasion of England by the Normans in 1066 was the Rogers family bloodline established in that island kingdom. Scions of the Norman Count de Rogier would inhabit England and Ireland and centuries later would emigrate and settle in North America.

After William the Conqueror's defeat of the Saxons at Hastings the Norman knights began to settle in England. About 100 years after the Battle of Hastings English Normans, including descendants of Count de Rogier, began carving out estates for themselves in Ireland. The conquest of Ireland began in 1169 when Norman noblemen from England and Wales captured Wexford, Waterford and Dublin. Bitter conflicts ensued between the Norman lords and the Celtic rulers in Ireland until about 1171 when the Normans firmly established themselves on the island. With the Celts subdued in the south and east of Ireland, the Normans moved to claim large estates in the north of the island.

James Rogers

Direct descendants of Count de Rogier are next traceable in Londonderry at the beginning of the 18th century. By this time the name of de Rogier had become anglicized to Rogers. James Rogers, born in 1700, is the first Irish descendant of Count de Rogier whose lineage can be verified by virtue of his possession of the medal bearing the Coat of Arms of the noble Norman. James Rogers married Mary McFatridge and they had eight children; five boys and three girls. The Rogers left their home in Londonderry in 1740 and emigrated to America where they settled in the English colony of New Hampshire. James Rogers was influential to some degree and was able to secure for himself and his family a grant of the Township of Dunbarton. The Rogers family became the first settlers in that area.

The Rogers' eldest son Samuel inherited his father's homestead in Dunbarton when James Rogers died from the effects of a gunshot wound which he received in the woods near his home. The unfortunate James was mistaken for a bear by a party of hunters and was mortally wounded in the dim light of dusk. Daniel, the youngest son, went to sea and was drowned off the coast of Cuba, leaving a wife and family behind in New Hampshire. The Rogers' three daughters, Mary, Martha, and Catherine all married and remained in New Hampshire. Three of James Rogers' sons, Robert, James, and Richard, took up the profession of arms in 1755 against the forces of France. Thus, the military lineage of the Rogers family, started in 1066 by Count de Rogier, was continued some 700 years later on the North American continent during what the Americans called the French and Indian War and the British referred to as the Seven Years War.

Robert Rogers

This story’s hero, Henry Schofield Rogers, had as his great-great uncle one of the most famous figures of the French and Indian War in America; namely, Robert Rogers, the famous Ranger.

In 1755 Robert Rogers commanded a company of rangers in Blanchard's New Hampshire Regiment. Robert was an imposing individual. He stood six feet in height, was well proportioned, and was very strong and athletic. He was considered to be a skillful provincial officer whose most significant attributes were his "uncanny" woodsmanship and his knowledge of, and experience with, the Indians of the region. As a soldier, Robert was aggressive, resolute, and fearless. His winning personality and great presence of mind made him a much respected leader. He was inured to the physical hardships of winter campaigning in the woods of the northeast and he required his men to develop a similar toughness. This was sometimes hard for the men to do. Rogers would never demand of his Rangers more than he could do himself; however, this did not make their lives any easier, as Rogers could do more than most other men. He drove himself unmercifully at times, and would do the same to his men if the tactical situation or their survival depended on it. The physical demands he placed on his Rangers kept many of them alive, long after they would have given in to the elements or surrendered to a savage enemy.

Robert Rogers trained his ranger company to be expert woodsmen, skilled in the art of scouting in the forests of New York and New Hampshire. The men were trained as a unit whose main purpose would be to fight the French Canadian "coureurs de bois" and their Indian allies. He taught them the skills necessary to be what today we would call a counter-guerrilla force. Rogers Rangers were, in fact, the forerunners of the Special Forces or Commandos.[6]

Prior to the formal outbreak of hostilities between England and France Rogers and his men began probing actions against the French forces in upper New York. The New Hampshire Regiment proceeded to Albany on the 21st of July 1755 and from there Rogers and four of his rangers moved north to the Lake George area in September to reconnoiter the French position at Fort St. Frederic on Crown Point. On the 27th of September, during another scout, Rogers and four of his men reconnoitered the area around Ticonderoga.[7] They located both the advanced and grand encampments of the French and Indians and gained valuable information for the British commander. While on this scout Rogers' party ambushed a canoe carrying one Frenchman and nine Indians. As a result of this small action Rogers became a local hero since his five man patrol was the first to fire any shots in anger at the French since the Battle of Lake George, which had been fought earlier that same month. Sir William Johnson, the commander of the British expedition against Crown Point, called Rogers "the most active man in our Army."[8]

Rogers and his men continued to be active in the Lake George and Lake Champlain region. In October 1755 Rogers and another ranger attempted to capture a French prisoner. The Frenchman refused quarter and Rogers was obliged to kill him. He then proceeded to take his scalp in plain site of the French fort at Crown Point. Scalping was common practice for the Indians fighting under the French command, and many British regular and provincial soldiers had been killed in this way or had been scalped after they were dead. It was demoralizing to see one of their own carried off a battlefield with part of his skull missing and the brains exposed. It is not hard to understand why such a sight would create an intense desire for retribution in kind, and why Rogers and his men actually enjoyed the satisfaction of perpetrating such barbarities on their enemies.[9]

By November of 1755 a 750 man garrison went into winter quarters at Ft. Edward and at the newly built Ft. William Henry on south end of Lake George. Rogers spent Christmas of 1755 at Fort Edward and afterwards continued his raids and scouts on the enemy at Fort Carillon. The year 1756 was unremarkable for the British Army in terms of activity. Only Rogers' exploits were worthy of note as he continued his raids in the Fort St. Frederic (Crown Point) and Fort Carillon areas. By the 18th of May 1756, when England formally declared war on France, Rogers and his men had already had a considerable amount of practice and were ready to play their part as the eyes and ears of the British Army.

During the winter of 1756/57 the Rangers roamed Lake George and Lake Champlain on skates and patrolled the forests around Ticonderoga and Crown Point on snowshoes. On the 21st of January 1757, Rogers with a company of 74 Rangers attempted to ambush two French sleds on Lake Champlain, at a point about halfway between Ticonderoga and Crown Point. As a part of his force lay in wait for the two sleds to approach, Rogers noticed that around a bend in the lake, and unseen by the ambush force, eight other French sleds were approaching fast. Unable to stop the ambush in time the Rangers had to fight an enemy force which outnumbered them two to one. The enemy force was led by a French regular officer, Captain de Basserode and the French Canadian Charles de Langlade.

After a fierce fight, Rogers and his men managed to extricate themselves from a difficult situation and returned to Fort Edward. During this first "Battle on Snowshoes" Rogers Rangers lost 14 men killed, and seven men taken prisoner. Nine wounded men were able to return to Ft. Edward with Rogers. Rogers claimed to have killed 116 French and Indians, although the French claimed their casualties were much lighter.

On the 5th of March 1757 Robert Rogers became ill with smallpox and was confined with the disease until the 15th of April. During the Spring and early Summer of 1757 he and three of his Ranger Companies went with the Earl of Loudon's[10] expeditionary force to Nova Scotia to take part in Loudon's planned offensive against the French at Louisburg on the southeastern tip of Cape Breton. The French position at Louisburg was found to be too strong for the British force so Loudon withdrew his force back to New York. As Loudon's force turned toward New York word arrived that Fort William Henry had been captured by Montcalm and that a large number of its defenders had been massacred after the surrender. This news was particularly disturbing to Robert because his brother Richard and his company of rangers had been left at Fort William Henry while the remaining ranger force had been on the Louisburg expedition.

Richard Rogers, the youngest of the three brothers to join the military, served in the Rangers under his brother Robert's command. On the 20th of June 1757, while at Fort William Henry at the south end of Lake George in New York, Richard Rogers died of smallpox. He was buried in the large military cemetery on the west side of the fort.[11] Two months after Richard's death, Fort William Henry was besieged by an army of French regulars, Canadian provincial troops, and Indians. The fort surrendered to the French commander, General Montcalm, with the promise from the French of safe conduct for its occupants. Montcalm fully intended to keep his promise to safeguard the fort's occupants after their surrender. Unfortunately, his regular troops were not able to control his sanguinary Indian allies. The bloody massacre of the fort's defenders after the surrender has been well documented in history and in fiction.[12] Even the dead were not spared the fury of the Abenaki Indians with the French force. The military cemetery was profaned and many of the rotting corpses were dug up and scalped. Among those bodies desecrated was that of Richard Rogers. In death, however, Richard would have his revenge on the savages who mutilated his body. The smallpox which killed him would take an enormous toll of the Abenakis who came in contact with the disease as a result of their actions at Fort William Henry. The Abenakis, in turn, spread the disease to other tribes, and many Indians as far west as the Mississippi River died of its affects. The decimation of the Abenakis did not end with the smallpox epidemic resulting from the capture of Fort William Henry. In October of 1759 Robert would exact a terrible vengeance on the Abenakis when he attacked their village on the St. Francis River and virtually annihilated the men of the tribe.

After returning to the Lake George area, Robert and his Rangers began their guerrilla style tactics anew against the French. On the 10th of March 1758 Robert departed Ft. Edward with a company of 180 men. Within two miles of Carillon his force ambushed 96 French and Indians. While in pursuit of this smaller enemy force, Rogers and his men ran headlong into a large force of 600 French and Indians. The subsequent action became known as "The Second Battle on Snowshoes". Surrounded and cut off from their line of retreat, the Rangers exfiltrated through the French and Indian lines and returned to Ft. Edward; however, only 54 men, including Rogers, made it back. Despite the heavy casualties suffered by Rogers in this battle, his skills as a ranger officer were still considered by the British high command to be of great value to them. Robert received his long awaited promotion to Major on the 6th of April 1758.

In July of 1758 Rogers Rangers took part in the disastrous attack on Ft. Ticonderoga as part of a 15,000 man force under General James Abercromby and Lord Howe.[13] The following month he was present with 80 of his rangers at the Battle of Ft. Anne near Wood Creek, northeast of Ft. Edward. During this battle Rogers saved the life of a British Light Infantry Officer. The British officer was engaged in a hand-to-hand struggle with a huge Indian. When Rogers spotted the two men on the battlefield it was obvious that the British officer's chances of surviving the fight were small indeed. With a head shot Rogers downed the "red goliath". After the battle the Indian's height was measured and he was found to be six feet four inches tall, an awesome height for any man in those days.

The winter of 1758/1759 was much like other winters for Rogers and his rangers with their time and efforts being occupied by scouts and raids. In July of 1759 Rogers Rangers took part in the capture of Crown Point and between the 8th of August and the 9th of September 1759 they displayed new talents by building 80 miles of road through the wilderness from Crown Point to Fort Number 4 on the Connecticut River.

On the 13th of September 1759, the very day that Wolfe was defeating Montcalm on the Plains of Abraham outside of Quebec, Robert Rogers was leaving Crown Point for one of his most memorable adventures; the attack on the Abenaki village at Odenak on the St. Francis River in Canada. For years the Abenakis had been helping the French by conducting murderous raids on British settlers in New York and New Hampshire. Many friends and relatives of Rogers and his rangers had been butchered and scalped by the Abenakis. Rogers' plans to attack the Abenakis were put forth with a military purpose in mind; namely, the destruction of a valuable ally of the French. The motivation which would drive Rogers and his men to suffer the hardships of the campaign was vengeance; swift and merciless. If ever a military force was bent on the total destruction of its enemy, it was the force of 200 rangers which departed from Crown Point on the 13th of September 1759.

After leaving Crown Point Rogers' force traveled the length of Lake Champlain in whale boats and reached Mississquoi Bay on the 23rd of September. From there they headed northeast through a formidable stretch of bog and swamp land until they reached higher ground southwest of the St. Francis River. They crossed the swollen St. Francis on the 3rd of October by forming a human chain. When they reached the other side there were 142 rangers available for the attack on the Abenakis. After three more days of marching Rogers' force reached Odenak. In the early morning hours of the 6th of October Rogers scouted Odenak and deployed his men for simultaneous attacks on the village from different direction, taking care to cover the river and the Abenaki canoes to prevent their escape. The attack started at first light and the ensuing carnage was swift and complete. By 7:00 A.M. it was all over; 200 Abenaki men lay dead and 25 Indian women and children were captured. Five white captives (women) who had been held by the Abenakis were freed. Rogers' casualties amounted to one man killed, one seriously wounded and six slightly wounded. The attack on the Abenakis was an unqualified success. All that remained was to return home.

The Rangers left the smoking ruins of the Abenaki village and proceeded southwest toward Lake Memphremagog. They could not go home as they had come since their whale boats had been discovered by the enemy and a force of more than 500 French and Indians was known to be in pursuit of them. Upon reaching Lake Memphremagog Rogers reluctantly (at the insistence of his officers) broke his force into nine groups with instructions for them to make for home as best they could. Two of the groups were attacked by French and Indians and suffered great losses.

The remaining groups, including Rogers', reached the Connecticut River at a point 60 miles north of Fort Number 4 between the 15th and 27th of October. On the 27th Rogers, with one officer, one ranger, and a captive Indian boy, began a raft journey down the Connecticut River. The following day the raft was lost and Rogers and his companions were almost killed at White River Falls. Too weak to chop wood for a new raft, Rogers burned some trees down and then burned the felled trees into raft-sized logs while the ranger and the boy hunted for food.

The small party reached Wattaquitchy Falls on the new raft on the 30th of October 1759. Rogers climbed down along the bank to the lower level of the falls while the raft was held above the falls by his companions. On a signal from Rogers the raft was released and allowed to plummet over the falls. Rogers swam to it and was able to hold it until the others came to his assistance. In his weakened condition this feat should have killed him. Only a man of Robert Rogers’ fortitude and strength could have saved that raft at the base of Wattaquitchy Falls.

Rogers and his party reached Fort Number 4 on the 31st of October and he immediately dispatched food and transport for the remainder of his company waiting upstream. His losses after leaving the St. Francis were three officers and 46 men, of whom 17 were killed in action and 32 died of starvation. Rogers' attack on the Abenakis at Odenak was a tribute to the skill, daring, and endurance of the Rangers.[14]

The military exploits of Robert Rogers reached their zenith at St. Francis, but the war was not yet over and there was more fighting to be done. In June of 1760 his Rangers, outnumbered two to one, defeated a French force at the Battle of Point Au Fer, at the northwest end of Lake Champlain. On the 11th of August 1760 he led 600 rangers from Crown Point as the vanguard of the invasion force moving north into Canada. On the 15th of that same month he spearheaded the attack on the enemy garrison at Isle Aux Noix and in November of 1760 he accepted the surrender of the French force at Detroit.

From this point on Rogers desperately searched for ways to maintain recognition for his military prowess. In 1761 he temporarily left his Rangers and accepted a commission in the British regular forces with the rank of Captain. He was to command a company in South Carolina in the campaign against the Cherokee. The campaign ended before his arrival so he returned north to become a Captain of New York regulars. In 1763 the war with France ended with the signing of the Treaty of Paris. Robert Rogers was retired from His Majesty's forces in that year when his company was disbanded. Robert could not leave the military service that easily, so he volunteered to take part in the expedition to relieve Fort Detroit when it was besieged by the tribes under Pontiac. He again showed his mettle by his gallant conduct in the Battle of Bloody Run.

Time was running out for Robert Rogers. After so many years of campaigning, which included raising and outfitting his Rangers, Rogers found himself deeply in debt. He could not function in civilian life. He was one of those men who was an excellent military leader, but whose talents were only confined to leadership on the battlefield. He could not transfer those talents to any civilian endeavor. His only recourse was to turn to the government which used his martial skills to such advantage. In 1765 he went to London to seek the assistance he so sorely needed. He proposed an adventure to the British government which would require considerable funding; the search for the Northwest Passage. It had long been Rogers' dream to search for a route across the North American continent to the Pacific Ocean. Such a route he felt would provided great sources of wealth for the British government. The British, realizing that Rogers was recognized by many as one of the true heroes of the French and Indian War, appointed him as the commander of Fort Michilimackinac (Michigan). From this vantage point Rogers hoped to begin his expedition to find the Northwest Passage.

Instead of the opportunity for added fame and glory Rogers found only betrayal and duplicity on the part of Sir William Johnson and General Thomas Gage.[15] These powerful men, and their myrmidons, contrived accounts of Rogers' behavior which were so disparaging as to cause Rogers to be arrested for treason. He was confined for a time in the stockade at Fort Michilimackinac but was acquitted after his trial for lack of evidence. Greatly injured by this treatment at the hands of the government he sought redress of these wrongs in England. Instead of redress he found insouciance. Hard drinking and hard times soon led him to debtors' prison where he spent almost two years.

In 1775 Robert Rogers returned to America. His exploits and those of his Rangers were almost completely forgotten by this time. As he was a retired Major on half pay in the British Army at this time he was arrested on his arrival in Philadelphia on the 22nd of September. He was released by order of the Continental Congress although his presence in the colonies was still regarded with much suspicion by many. He finally threw his lot in with the British government again and raised the loyalist Queen's Rangers in 1776 and the King's Rangers in 1779.[16] Robert Rogers fought against the American Revolutionary Army until the British surrender. He sailed back to England with the British Army and again fell on hard times even worse than those which he had experienced in 1765. He was again in debt and lived in poverty. His life style was one of intemperance and dissolute behavior. Robert Rogers -skilled military leader, "uncanny" woodsman, intrepid Indian fighter, and hero of the French and Indian War died in squalor in London on the 18th of May 1795. The Morning Press noted his death with the following passage:

"Lieutenant Col. Rogers, who died on Thursday last in the Borough, served in America during the late war, in which he performed prodigious feats of valour. He was a man of uncommon strength, but a long confinement in the Rules of King's Bench, had reduced him to the most miserable state of wretchedness".

John R. Cuneo, in "Robert Rogers of the Rangers", closes his account of Rogers' life with the following passage:

"Two days after his death Rogers was buried in the churchyard still by the old inn, Elephant and Castle. There is an account of a hastily read funeral service in the rain, of fidgeting gravediggers anxious to finish their task, and of two unnamed mourners who hurried off at the end of the committal service. The tragedy was over."

Cuneo's melancholy passage describes a most unfitting end for a truly remarkable man.

James Rogers (Jr.)

James Rogers (Jr.) also served as an officer in his brother's famous unit of Rangers. He, however, was more fortunate than his younger brother Richard. James survived the French and Indian War and when the war ended in 1760, he returned to civilian life. Unlike his brother Robert, James could function in civilian life. He obtained a grant of a township in Vermont which he named Londonderry after the Irish home of his progenitors. He settled there and in 1763 he married Margaret McGregor.

When the war of the American Revolution broke out, James Rogers remained loyal to the British Crown. He, along with his brother Robert helped to raise a provincial regiment known as The King's Rangers. He led this regiment and was its commander at St. John during the attack on that strategic post by the American General Benedict Arnold. He surrendered St. John to Arnold after a siege of 45 days. After his capitulation he was paroled and was thereby prevented from taking up arms again for the remainder of the war.[17]

The loss of the war to the American Revolutionary Army resulted in the confiscation of all lands held by Loyalists in America. James Rogers moved north to Canada and organized the "United Empire Loyalists" (U.E.L.). The U.E.L. members sought out new homes in many of the undeveloped regions of Canada where they could still enjoy British protection and British institutions.

James Rogers’ first action was to take his family to Montreal. They were joined there by a number of men from his disbanded King's Rangers, along with their families. After spending the winter of 1783/84 in Montreal, the U.E.L. band traveled the St. Lawrence in the spring of 1784 and reached Kingston, Ontario. The time at Kingston was spent awaiting the completion of land surveys being made of the area. Colonel James Rogers received the third choice of land parcels being allocated to new settlers. In July of 1784 he chose the Township of Fredericksburg on the Bay of Quinte for his party. He subsequently moved to Little Lake Hallowell in Prince Edward County and then returned to Fredericksburg where he died on the 23rd of September 1790.

He and his wife Mary had two sons (James and David M.) and three daughters (Mary, Mary Ann, and Margaret). The lineage of Henry Schofield Rogers was continued by the second son, David McGregor Rogers who was born in 1772.

David McGregor Rogers

Henry Schofield Rogers' great grandfather David McGregor Rogers was also destined for military service, although his work in the military was rather obscure. He did not elect soldiering as a profession, but rather, was elected to represent Prince Edward County in the Canadian Legislature in 1796. He was re-elected to the same post in 1800 and during three successive Parliaments he was elected as the representative for the county of Northumberland to which he has moved. In 1816 he declined to be a candidate. However, in 1820 he was elected again and would have probably been re-elected in 1824. Unfortunately, he died in that year while the election was in progress. He was buried at St. George's Churchyard at Grafton.

David McGregor Rogers married Sarah Playter at Toronto on the 9th of January 1802. They had two sons (James G. and Robert David) and two daughters (Elizabeth W. and Mary Eliza). It was after the death of his wife in 1810 that David moved to Grafton. During the War of 1812-14 he served as a Commissariat Officer with responsibilities for two principal depots in Kingston and Toronto. During the period that he lived in Grafton he was also Registrar for the County and Postmaster. He married a second time, but his second wife only survived him by one year.

Robert David Rogers

The next generation of the Rogers family yielded two more soldiers. Robert David Rogers was born at Greeley's Mill near Grafton, Ontario on the 20th of April 1809. In 1834 Robert moved to the Township of Otonabee where he began to farm. When rebellion broke out in Canada on the 5th of December 1837, Robert joined Captain Warren's Volunteer Company at Cobourg and marched with the company to Waterloo on the Niagara Frontier. He took a leading part in the capture and destruction of the steamer "Caroline" which was being used by the rebel Mackenzie and his followers to strengthen their position on Navy Island. Robert was the last to leave the burning vessel as it approached the great cataract at Niagara Falls.[18]

Robert married Elizabeth Birdsall on the 12th of March 1840. In December of 1842 he and his family moved to the vicinity of Peterborough and began settlement of what was to become the village of Ashburnham. He constructed a number of extensive flour and sawmills in the area and for many years was quite successful as a businessman. In addition to his business ventures and military associations he also was active in municipal affairs. He served as Warden of the County of Peterborough for several terms.

When the Fenian Raids began in 1863 Robert organized a Volunteer Company and called it to active service. He ultimately turned command of the company over to his eldest son, James Zacheus. Robert's wife Elizabeth died on the 20th of September 1875. Elizabeth had given him five sons (James Zacheus, George Charles, Richard Birdsall, Edwin Robert and Alfred Burnham) as well as four daughters (Eliza Maria, Sophia Louisa, Maria McGregor, and Amelia Mary). On the 20th of March 1878 Robert married again to Ann Wilmot at Colbourne, Ontario. Their marriage lasted for less than a year, as Ann died on the 22nd of October 1878.

James G. Rogers

David McGregor Rogers' other son, James G., was our hero's grandfather. James was born at Brighton, Ontario on the 4th of August 1805. As David McGregor Rogers' eldest son, James inherited the family homestead at Grafton. Because of the great numbers of James Rogers in the family, he adopted the middle initial "G" (presumably, after Grafton) in order to avoid confusion between himself and his other relatives. James G. followed his family's military tradition by becoming an officer in Colonel Covert's Northumberland Troop of Volunteer Cavalry. In 1833 he assumed command of this volunteer troop and continued as its commander for about 20 years. His troop saw active service during the Rebellion of 1837-38 and was headquarted at Toronto during this period.

In February of 1830 James G. Rogers married Maria Burnham. During their marriage they had five sons (David McGregor, Henry Cassady, Robert Zacheus, James Charles, and Edmund James Armstrong) and five daughters (Mary Eliza, Sarah Playter, Margaret Achesa, Maria Harriet, and Sophia Augusta). Maria Burnham Rogers died on the 17th of April 1856 and James G. married again in September of 1860. James G. Rogers died on the 27th of November 1874.

Henry Cassady Rogers

The history of the Rogers family now enters the generation of Henry Schofield Rogers' father, a generation which more than any other produced the greatest number of soldiers for the Rogers family. Henry Schofield Rogers’ direct line comes from his grandfather James G. Rogers. James' second son Henry Cassady Rogers was the father of our hero. Henry Cassady Rogers was born at Grafton on the 16th of July 1839. He was a businessman in Peterborough, Ontario until 1871 when he was appointed Postmaster for the town. While only 16 years of age Henry had joined the Peterborough Rifle Company and in 1866, during the period of the Fenian Raids, he commanded that unit on the frontiers.[19] His great commitment to the military caused him to raise and command the first troop of volunteer cavalry in Peterborough. This unit was organized in 1872 and later became "G" Troop of the 3rd Prince of Wales Canadian Dragoons.[20]

Henry Cassady Rogers married Maria Burritt on the 2nd of September 1863. Henry and Maria had five sons (Walter James, Herbert Burritt, Henry Schofield, David McGregor, and Guy Hamilton) and two daughters (Ethel Burnham and Helen McGregor).

Three of Henry Cassady Rogers' brothers also served in the local volunteer forces. His older brother, David McGregor, was an officer in the local volunteer cavalry company, which his father had commanded until 1854. A younger brother, Robert Zacheus, served as a Lieutenant on the frontier during the Fenian Raids in 1866. When the 40th Northumberland Battalion was formed, Robert Z. Rogers served as a Captain in the unit and in August of 1876 was promoted Lieutenant Colonel and commander of the same battalion. Henry's youngest brother, James Charles, also held a commission in the 40th Northumberland Battalion.[21]

In addition to his brothers, three of Henry Cassady Rogers' cousins served in the military forces. These three men were the sons of Henry's uncle Robert David Rogers. The eldest son, James Zacheus Rogers, served in his father's volunteer company and was promoted to command of the unit in May of 1866. In 1879 he succeeded to the command of the 57th Battalion of Peterborough Rangers. The second son, George Charles, also served in a local Peterborough volunteer unit. Robert David Rogers' youngest son, Alfred Burnham Rogers, was a volunteer with the Midland Battalion during the North West Rebellion in 1885.[22]

One nephew of Henry Cassady Rogers also served in the forces. Robert Percy Rogers, son of Robert Zacheus Rogers, chose to make the Army his career and attended the Royal Military College at Kingston. He graduated in June of 1892.

Such were the military antecedents of the hero of this story. It is now time to return to Peterborough, Ontario in the year 1869 to take up directly the story of the book's protagonist, Henry Schofield Rogers.


By 1869 the town of Peterborough had grown from a mill site known as Scott's Plain to a service and market center for central Ontario. Peterborough was the largest town in the county of the same name, a county made up of fifteen townships. The town was situated approximately one hundred miles northeast of Toronto and thirty seven miles north of Cobourg, a town on the north shore of Lake Ontario. At the time, most of the town was located in the northeast corner of North Monaghan Township, at its junction with Smith, Douro and Otonabee Townships. To the south of Peterborough lay Rice Lake, roughly mid-way between the town and the shore of Lake Ontario. Rice Lake was a major part of the Trent Canal System, an inland waterway that served central Ontario. In its commanding position along the Otonabee River, Peterborough was the main population center for administration and commerce north of Rice Lake.

The terrain to the north of Peterborough was markedly different from the terrain to the south of the town. To the north lay the border of the Canadian Shield, a rocky plateau consisting of worn down mountains with granite and limestone outcrops much in evidence. Glaciated some 10,000 years before, the northern area displayed an uneven surface with many areas of trapped water to be found. The underlying granite rock produced a soil suitable only for supporting the growth of brush and coniferous forests. Dramatic evidence of the passing of the ice age over the Peterborough area could be seen in the impressive drumlin field located about 10 miles west of the town.[23] Lumbering and mining were the main business activities in the most northerly townships of Peterborough County.

By contrast, the area to the south of Peterborough consisted of flat terrain underlain by limestone bedrock. This area was covered by soils most suitable for farming and the growth of deciduous trees. The richer farmland and more hospitable terrain in the south of Peterborough County gave rise to the more rapid development of prosperous farms. Large farms naturally led to the development of towns and villages complete with schools, churches, and other aspects of social life. The prosperity of the town of Peterborough was enhanced by the construction of the Cobourg to Peterborough railway in 1854, and another line from Port Hope in 1858. Railway lines emanating from Peterborough to other population centers in the east, west and north further reinforced the importance of Peterborough as a market center for agricultural products and as a service center for the region.

The town of Peterborough lay primarily to the west of the Otonabee River, which flowed from north to south as it passed the town. The town was laid out with streets running north to south and east to west with the center of the town located along Hunter Street between George and Water Streets. Henry Cassady Rogers and his family lived on Brock Street to the west of George Street. The Directory of the County of Peterborough for the period does not give a precise indication of just where the Rogers lived due to the lack of clarity of the 1875 maps that accompanied the Directory. There are two possibilities. The first and least likely possibility is a house that was located at 298 Brock Street. This house was a stucco structure, which according to the 1860 Assessment Roll for the town listed the "old Scotch Church" as the owner. However, the 1875 County Directory maps for this property seem to show the name H.C. Rogers as the owner. The tenant at 298 Brock Street in 1860 was Mr. Richard White, proprietor of The Peterborough Review, a local town newspaper. One could conjecture that Henry Cassady Rogers purchased this house from the "old Scotch Church" some time after 1860. The Peterborough Review was in existence long after 1869 and Mr. Richard White may still have been alive and living at 298 Brock Street at that time. No evidence has been found to indicate otherwise.

The more probable home of the Rogers family in the year 1869 was at 304-306 Brock Street, a solid brick, two storey double house whose occupants cannot be determined from the County Directory although the Directory map seems to contain the name H.C. Rogers within the plot occupied by this house, thus indicating his possible ownership of the land and the structure.

Henry Cassady Rogers was a businessman in Peterborough and had been very active in military affairs since the age of sixteen. He had commanded the Peterborough Rifle Company in 1866 during the period of the Fenian Raids. By 1869 he had settled back into his business life and was living comfortably with his wife and two sons in their house on Brock Street. Henry and his brother-in-law, Henry T. Strickland worked for their uncle, Robert David Rogers in an old store on the corner of Hunter Street East and Driscoll Terrace. This store, with the large date "1856" carved in the brickwork on its front, was the first brick commercial building in Ashburnham. Robert David Rogers operated it as a general store for 30 years, but the two Henrys did not continue working for their uncle for all that time. They eventually went into business for themselves, although the nature of that business is not known.

Henry was a man of above average height for the mid-Victorian period. He had a stocky build and sported an eye-catching moustache and a pair of mutton-chop whiskers, the latter being exceptionally bushy on the cheeks and drooping down below his jaw line. He had the firmness of step and clearness of eye generally associated with military bearing and appears to have kept himself in a high state of physical fitness. His friends, neighbors and business associates credited him with a kindly genial manner and a public-spiritedness, which won him their esteem and affection. In addition to his service in the Militia, Henry was the first president of the Peterborough Historical Society, an early president of the Ontario Historical Society, and a member of the Horticultural Society. He was superintendent of St. Luke's Sunday school[24] and was a very prominent Mason in Peterborough.

Henry and Maria Rogers' third son, Henry Schofield, was born in Peterborough on the 29th of June 1869. No record of a registration of his birth is on file in the Province of Ontario so it is not possible to know if he was born at home or in hospital. At the time of little Henry's birth the Rogers' other two children Walter James and Herbert Burrett were 5 years and 3 years old, respectively. While Henry the elder was tending to his business his wife Maria had her hands full with an infant and two toddlers.

Little Henry lived a comfortable and happy life in the house on Brock Street. His family was relatively well off, Peterborough was a growing and prosperous town, and there was little in his world to disrupt his happiness. In 1871 his mother gave birth to her fourth child, and first daughter, Ethel Burnham. His mother now had a 7-year-old, a 5-year-old, a 2-year-old, and a new infant to care for. During this same year Henry Cassady Rogers gave up his private business and was appointed the Postmaster for the town of Peterborough. He would retain this position for the next 36 years.

In 1872, when little Henry was only three years old, his father retired as a Major from the Peterborough Rifle Corps. His military proclivities remained strong and in that same year he raised a unit of Peterborough Volunteer Cavalry which was known as "C" Squadron of the local dragoon regiment.

On the 9th of September 1873 the militia units of the 6th Brigade District began their annual camp at Hunter's Grove on the Hunter Farm in North Monaghan Township. Included in the strength of the brigade was the Peterborough Troop of the 3rd Provincial Regiment of Cavalry. The troop was commanded by Major Henry Cassady Rogers and had a total strength of 150 men. His cousin, Major James Zacheus Rogers was the Adjutant of the 57th Battalion and was also present at the camp. These training camps were attended by Henry Cassady Rogers every year since joining the militia in 1866 and were looked forward to eagerly by him. Prior to 1873 he had attended the camps as a member of the Peterborough Rifle Corps. The 1873 encampment was to be his first as commander of his newly raised troop of cavalry.

Little Henry's brother David McGregor was born in May of 1874, and in November of that same year his grandfather, James G. Rogers died. As Henry was only five years old his father's grief was not evident to him. James G. Rogers' death was mourned by many in addition to the immediate family. He was universally esteemed by the people of Peterborough County and was buried with full military honours, as it was he who raised the original troop of volunteer cavalry in Peterborough in 1832.

In the year 1875 Henry Cassady Rogers commissioned the construction of a new home in the village of Ashburnham. Ashburnham was located immediately across the Otonabee River from Peterborough and before it became known as Ashburnham it was called Scotch Village. The village was located in the northwest corner of Otonabee Township and in 1875 had a population of 1,227. Ashburnham had for many years been a quiet suburb of Peterborough. It was an ambitious village, but it had always been overshadowed by the presence of the larger town immediately to the west. In the eighteen sixties a brick schoolhouse and a drill hall were built in the village. It 1872 a large church was built there. The greatest hope for the development of Ashburnham came with the selection of the village as the terminus for the railway line from Cobourg. The village was also honored in 1860 by a visit from the Prince of Wales. By 1875 Ashburnham was a bustling center of industry and commerce. The primary businesses in the village included a foundry, machine shops, a planing mill, a woolen mill, a brewery and a tannery. Henry Cassady Rogers recognized the potential for the development of Ashburnham. He selected as the site of his new home two lots on Lake Street north of the intersection with James Street. It was on these two lots where H.C. Cassady built his large home that he named "The Pines".

Actually the selection of the site for his new home was not a difficulty one for Henry Cassady Rogers to make. Henry's uncle, the Reverend Mark Burnham, had been very generous at the time of Henry's marriage and had presented him with the acre of land comprising these two lots as a wedding present. The house was named "The Pines" because the property upon which it was built contained a stand of beautiful white pines.[25]

It is believed that the designer of the house was a local architect named John E. Belcher. The house was of the Italianate style with some modifications that were typical of the work of Mr. Belcher. Mr. Belcher had designed a house for Henry's cousin, Dr. George Burnham, at about the same time, on the southwest corner of McDonald and Water Streets. The similarities in style between Dr. Burnham's house and "The Pines" are striking enough to allow the inference that Belcher had a hand in them both.

"The Pines" was an almost square dwelling of two stories. The structure had very wide eaves, tall thin first floor windows, and a low-pitched roof. Martha Ann Kidd,[26] in her book "Historical Sketches of Peterborough" gives the following description of the house:

"The Pines has the usual Italianate centre hall plan, but the house projects the depth of the veranda to the north of the entrance, and this projection has a one storey rectangular bay window. The house displays fewer decorative exterior features than Mr. Belcher used in later houses he built in the same style. The extra embellishments were added to the interior. The oak, mahogany and walnut staircase is very gracious and the large stair-landing window, with its red, white and blue etched and engraved glass and its rope moldings, is probably the most beautiful one remaining in Peterborough. There are six fireplaces in the house; the two in the front and rear parlors are very like the ones Mr. Belcher used in the renovations of his own home. The exterior remains much as it was when first built. The original veranda still encircles the house on three sides, but its chamfered posts have been replaced by the heavy bulbous posts so popular in Peterborough after the turn of the century. The shutters have also been removed."

In the summer of 1989 when the author visited the house, Mrs. Kidd was most gracious to allow a close examination of "The Pines". There were far fewer trees in front of the house in the earlier days, so the structure could then be plainly seen from the street. Prior to 1917 the house did not originally have a railing around the veranda nor did it have the bulbous posts or their bases as it did in 1989. Old shutters also were evident on the house before 1917. On the concrete wall in the rear of the house the Rogers children scratched their initials. To this day, the initials "HSR" of little Henry Schofield Rogers can be plainly seen on this wall.

The interior of the house has been modified, and of course redecorated, since the days of the Rogers, but one can still get the feel of Victorian ambience by looking at the ornate staircase and fireplaces. The high ceilings give the feeling of spaciousness that one does not get in the nondescript house of today. Everywhere there is the look of richly carved wood, archways, and architectural sculpturing which brings one back in time to an era when the warmth of wood and the softness of curves were used in place of the coldness of plastic and metal and the harshness of straight lines and sharp corners. The stair landing window described by Mrs. Kidd; a truly magnificent example of stained glass of the Victorian period which, fortunately, withstood the mischief of the Rogers children and has survived for more than 100 years.

The year that Rogers’ family moved into "The Pines" little Henry Schofield Rogers was 7 years old and was attending public school in Peterborough. The children of Peterborough had been attending the Central School at 90 Murray Street since its completion in January of 1860. In 1868 plans were made for a new school building to be built to the west of Central School. The new school, at 100 Murray Street, was occupied in 1871 and is the school that little Henry attended.

Little Henry's trip to school required him to travel some distance. From his house at the corner of James and Lake (now Burnham) Streets he would walk (or perhaps sometimes be driven by carriage) north up Lake Street to Hunter Street where he would be met by the sight of St. John's Anglican Church up on the hill in front of him. Henry would then turn west and cross the bridge over the Otonabee River, which would take him from Ashburnham into Peterborough proper. Once across the bridge he would turn north to proceed to Murray Street and the school building.

During the next ten years of his life Henry Schofield Rogers continued his schooling and was a most promising student. Peterborough continued to flourish and grow, and the Rogers family flourished along with it. The men prospered at their businesses and continued to be actively engaged in local military affairs. Henry Schofield Rogers had a normal and happy childhood during this period.

In August of 1876, while little Henry was on his summer recess from school, his uncle Robert Zacheus Rogers was promoted Lieutenant Colonel in the Militia and appointed Officer Commanding the 40th Northumberland Battalion.

On the 29th of November 1877 Maria Rogers gave birth to another son, Guy Hamilton.

In 1879 little Henry's uncle James Zacheus Rogers assumed command of the 57th Battalion of Peterborough Rangers. This promotion and appointment was contained in the Canada Gazette of June 10, 1879 along with other announcements affecting the staff of the 57th Battalion. The announcement read as follows:

"To be Lieutenant Colonel, Major and Brevet Lieut.-Col. James Zacheus Rogers, V.B., vice Edwin Poole, who is permitted to retire, retaining rank."

With this promotion, Henry Cassady Rogers, his uncle Robert David Rogers, and his nephew James Zacheus Rogers, had all attained the rank of Lieutenant Colonel in their respective corps. In the same Canada Gazette promoting James Z. Rogers was the following announcement relating to the 57th Battalion:

"To be Captain from 3rd May, 1878 (No. 3 Co. Ashburnham), 2nd Lieutenant George Charles Rogers, M.S., vice Burnham appointed Paymaster".

George Charles Rogers was the son of Robert David Rogers and the brother of James Zacheus Rogers. Quite a disparity existed between the ranks of two brothers serving in the same battalion.

On September 5th of this same year Henry's father, by then also a Lieutenant Colonel, was complimented by his commanding officer for the fine appearance of the men of the Peterborough Troop of Cavalry. The troop had just participated in the ceremony of the reception of the Governor-General and his party at Toronto, the visiting party consisting of Princess Louise and the Marquis of Lorne.

Henry Cassady Rogers was mentioned in the local press in October 1879 when the following article appeared:

"The prizes won at the recent rifle matches were given to the prize winners in the competitions at the drill shed[27] on the evening of October 22, 1879. The presentations were made by Lieut.-Col. H.C. Rogers, President of the Peterborough Rifle Association... The New York medal was greatly admired as it was handed to Lieut.-Col. J.Z. Rogers, having been in his keeping several times before..."

From the above article it is evident that H.C. Rogers was an active shooter as well as a horticulturist, historian, and Mason. Having such a culturally and intellectually well-rounded father had a very positive affect on young Henry Schofield Rogers. It will be apparent from his achievements at the Royal Military College ten years hence that he learned much from the military and civilian endeavors of his father and from his other relatives as well.

On the 23rd of March 1880 little Henry's mother gave birth to his youngest sister, Helen McGregor. She was the last of Henry's siblings to be born.

The years until his matriculation at the Royal Military Academy at Kingston were enjoyable and salubrious for young Henry. The militia units, of which his father and other relatives were members, continued to hold their summer encampments. Henry's father's nephew, George Charles Rogers, married Martha Annie Overend at Hamilton, Ontario on the 5th of August 1880 and returned with his bride to Peterborough to continue working his mill. George met with a tragic accident on the 20th of April 1883 while at work on the dam of his mill. He was supervising a group of his men who were adjusting the bracket boards on the dam to relieve some of the water pressure caused by the spring floods. While engaged with this work George was thrown into the river. His men tried desperately, but in vain, to locate him before he drowned. After much fruitless searching it was assumed that he must have been seriously injured by the fall from the top of the dam. Observers at the scene noticed that after hitting the water he only was able to struggle for a few moments to save himself before he was washed away down stream. George was a fine athlete and a strong swimmer who could have saved himself under the most difficult of circumstances had he not been knocked senseless or otherwise incapacitated by the fall. His body was searched for constantly but was not located until two weeks after the accident.

George Charles Rogers was given a military funeral since he was the commander of No. 3 Company of the Peterborough Rangers. The pallbearers were officers of his battalion and the battalion was represented by four companies. Members of Henry Cassady Rogers' cavalry troop were also in the procession on foot. The deceased was a well-liked and respected member of the Ashburnham and Peterborough communities. Attendance at his funeral was the largest to be recorded for any citizen of the area within many years. The burial took place in Little Lake Cemetery, which is located on the southern side of Little Lake at the point where the Otonabee River flows out of the lake. The funeral procession followed a route from Peterborough east across the Hunter Street bridge to Armour Road, and thence south to Lansdowne Street. At Lansdowne Street the procession turned west and proceeded to the gates of the cemetery. A glance at a map will show how great a distance this procession traveled. When the band at the head of the procession reached the gates of the cemetery, vehicles in the line of procession were still crossing the Hunter Street bridge.

A formal military burial service was held at the gravesite and was presided over by Rev. W.C. Bradshaw. All business establishments in the area were closed that day as a mark of respect for Captain George Charles Rogers.

Such were the types of military funerals held for members of the Rogers family of Peterborough. Young Henry Schofield Rogers was to see another such funeral before he left his hometown for Kingston and the RMC. His great-uncle Robert David Rogers passed away in February of 1885 and was accorded a funeral similar to that for his son George. As a lad of 16 young Henry was stirred by the homage paid to his relatives upon their deaths. He was also impressed by prestige associated with his father's military rank, the pomp and circumstance of military parades, the colorful uniforms, the annual training camps, and the very great involvement of a large part of his family in things military. It is no wonder then that Henry Schofield Rogers elected to attend the Royal Military College at Kingston after completing his primary and secondary education at the Peterborough public school system in June of 1885.

3. A CADET AT KINGSTON, 1885-1889

In early September of 1885 Henry Schofield Rogers packed his clothing and any other personal belongings that he was permitted to take, and prepared to leave Peterborough to continue his education. Not unexpectedly, it was to be an education at the most prestigious military institution in Canada, the Royal Military College at Kingston. Neither of his older brothers seems to have been affected at all by the military activities of their father or other relatives. Walter had, some five years before, gone off to England where he became an undergraduate at Merton College, Oxford. Herbert also chose a civilian career and went off to Victoria, British Columbia where he went into government civil service. Henry was to be the first Rogers of his line to receive a formal military education and the first in three generations to serve in the regular forces.

At 16 years of age Henry Schofield Rogers was a small, one might even say diminutive, lad. He stood only five feet two and a half inches tall and weighed 86 pounds. He had brown curly hair which was somewhat unruly to manage and which, to his dismay, would pop out at various locations from under his Cadet's pillbox cap. His head was egg-shaped with a sharply pointed chin. Henry's eyebrows were well rounded and gave the impression of being perpetually raised. His eyes were round and gentle looking and his nose small and straight. His mouth was small and down-turned when he was serious, so that the impression he gave was one of pouting. Henry was narrow of shoulder and thin of limb. His general impression in uniform was one of pageboy at an exclusive hotel. By comparison with other members of his class at the RMC, young Henry looked much out of place; a small innocent lad among much larger and more worldly young men. Despite his small size, Henry Schofield Rogers was to prove himself a cadet to be reckoned with both physically and academically before he graduated from the RMC in 1889.

In the year 1885 the Royal Military College of Canada was located, as it is today, on Point Frederick, immediately east of the city of Kingston, Ontario. The Point is separated from the city of Kingston by Kingston Harbor and the Great Cataraqui River. Directly to the east of Point Frederick, across Navy Bay, stands old Fort Henry. This fort was constructed during the years immediately following the War of 1812 as protection against any subsequent invasion by the United States.

Point Frederick and the fort of the same name built at the southern tip of the point were named after General Sir Frederick Haldimand who was the Governor General of Canada from 1777 to 1786. The first installation to be constructed on the Point was a naval depot that was built about 1784. During 1790 and 1791 a guardhouse was constructed on the Point to provide local defense for the naval depot. Defenses were strengthened shortly thereafter by the construction of a gun battery and with the approach of the hostilities with the United States in 1812 a blockhouse and extensive dockyard facilities were constructed. The presence of the Royal Navy at Point Frederick continued until the 1860's. During the period from 1846 to 1851, when the threat of another war with the United States developed during the Oregon Crisis, six Martello towers were constructed to defend the city of Kingston. The largest of these towers was built in Fort Frederick at the tip of the Point. The major portion of the landmass of the Point has been occupied by the Royal Military College since 1876.

When the Dominion of Canada was created in 1867 most British troops were withdrawn from North America. This withdrawal also included most of the regular officers of the British Army who had served with and supervised the training of the Canadian Militia. Their withdrawal left a considerable void in the ranks of trained and experienced officers in Canada. This loss of qualified officers was unacceptable and had to be remedied. The Canadian Parliament acted in 1874 to establish a military college in Canada for the training of officers for the army. Kingston was chosen as the site for the new college.

The choice of Kingston was not surprising as there had always been soldiers there. The choice suited a town that was known to have been "wed to Brown Bess."[28] In addition to Kingston being an important military station, it is also believed that the town's selection was influenced by the Honourable Alexander Mackenzie, the Prime Minister of Canada from 1873 to 1878. Mackenzie was well acquainted with Kingston, the Point, and Fort Frederick. Prior to entering government service he had been a stonemason and had worked on the fortifications at and near Kingston. It is thought that his familiarity with the town and the suitability of Point Frederick combined to have him put his influence behind the choice for the new college. The specific site chosen for the new military college was on Point Frederick in an area along the water known as the Barriefield Military Reserve.[29] The Military Reserve also included old Fort Henry on the east side of Navy Bay.

In June of 1876, only nine years before little Henry Schofield Rogers walked up to its gates with some trepidation, the new Military College of Canada opened its doors. On the day it opened it became the oldest military college in the Commonwealth outside of Great Britain. Within two years of its opening, in the year 1878, the right to use the prefix "Royal" was granted by Her Majesty Queen Victoria.

The honor of being the first Commandant of the college was granted to a Sapper officer. Colonel (later Lieutenant General) Edward Osborne Hewett, CMG, RE had come to Canada with a large draft of reinforcements from England at the time of the American Civil War and had traveled extensively through the wilderness from the Maritime Provinces to the more settled interior Provinces of Canada. Hewett was appointed as Commandant of the college in 1876 and was supported by three other officers of the British Army and one civilian professor. He served as Commandant for eleven years. It was he who gave the College its motto "Truth, Duty, Valour" which is carried on its crest to this day.

When the college opened on the 1st of June 1876 there were only eighteen cadets in the first class. The "Old Eighteen", as they became known, found that very little was prepared to receive them. There was so little ready for them, in fact, that they spent their first weeks at the college on a camping trip. However, with a little organization, the "Old Eighteen" quickly got to work laying down the traditions and standards for their successors. Nine years later, when Henry Schofield Rogers walked onto the grounds of the Royal Military College a fine foundation of self-discipline and integrity had been established and was being proudly maintained.

The distance from Peterborough to Kingston was just over 100 miles. Henry could have traveled there by road or rail, or as Kingston and the Royal Military College are conveniently located on the shore of the Great Cataraqui River, he could have traveled by boat from Port Hope. Once

in Kingston Henry traveled north on Ontario Street into that part of the town known as Cataraqui Ward, where, just to the north of the Place D'Arms on the west and Dupont Barracks on the east, he turned east to cross the Cataraqui Bridge over the river of the same name. Not more than about two hundred feet from the east end of the bridge Henry came to No. 1 Gate House marking the entrance to the college. This gate house allowed entry onto the college grounds along a wooded road roughly paralleling the shore of the Cataraqui River. No. 2 Gate House, located approximately 800 feet east of No. if also gave entry to the college grounds along a road leading to the Guard House and would have been used by anyone coming to the college from the east.

Henry was allowed to pass by the sentries at No. 1 Gate House and to proceed south along the wooded road. Off to his left and down a wooded drive he saw the house of the Commandant, Colonel Hewett. Walking further south, Henry's road merged with the roadway coming from No. 2 Gate House. The intersection of these two roads took place just north of the Guard House. At the Guard House another sentry checked Henry's credentials and verified his authority to enter the college grounds proper. Henry was as nervous as any boy might be arriving at a new school on the first day, especially a school where he was to be a boarder, many miles away from his family and friends. His nervousness was amplified by the scarlet tunic and military bearing of the sentry, and the tallness of the young man questioning him when compared to his own five feet two and one half inches. Certainly the sardonic expression on the sentry's face was due to Henry's shortness and to the fact that he was a new boy, someone to be ridiculed and looked down upon, physically and otherwise.

Henry passed through the gate at the Guard House and walked onto the Parade Square. Directly in front of him was the huge stone building he had heard so much about - the Stone Frigate. Immediately to his left was the grand administration building of the college - the Mackenzie Building - and to the north of the Stone Frigate and partially hidden by the Mackenzie Building he could just make out the south end of the Gun Shed. Looking south Henry could make out the walls of Fort Frederick with the distinctive Martello tower rising up in its center. Looking again to the east between the Stone Frigate and the Gun Shed Henry could see old Fort Henry on its hilltop overlooking Lake Ontario. This then, was to be his home for the next four years. The date was the 10th of September 1885 and Henry Schofield Rogers was about to matriculate at the Royal Military College of Canada and be added to the roster of the college as Cadet No. 206.

The year 1885 had been an exciting one militarily in Canada for it had been the year of North West Rebellion. The rebellion had started in March and was finally suppressed in May after the defeat of the rebels and the capture of their leader Louis Riel. The campaign against the rebels had been followed with much interest by the gentlemen-cadets of the Royal Military College. When the rebellion broke out and the Canadian units took the field to put it down, the entire cadet corps as a body had offered themselves for active service. While their spirit was much admired their offer was refused by the government much to consternation and disappointment of the cadets. The subject was still being much discussed when Henry arrived on campus. On the 18th of September 1885, only eight days after he passed through the gates of the College, the Canadian Government sanctioned the issue of the North West Canada Medal for all who had taken part in quashing the uprising.

Young Henry found all this talk of the North West Rebellion very exciting, but he could not dwell on it for long. On reporting he was immediately attached to a company of cadets and assigned a room. He was then measured for his uniforms, and within a week he was provided with what was known as an undress suit. A great coat was issued to him next, but he had to wait a few weeks until his full dress uniform became available.

He was allowed to continue to wear his civilian clothing until his undress suit became available. Immediately on receipt of the undress suit he gave all his civilian clothing into store and was required to certify that he had done so.

Soon after his arrival at the College he was examined by the Medical Officer and was duly attested for service by a Justice of the Peace. He signed his Form No. 21 upon attestation and thereupon became subject to the General Regulations of the Royal Military College. To ensure that he followed these regulations he was issued a copy of them, along with the Standing Orders and Instructions, Syllabus of Instruction, and Catalogue of the Library of the College. This done, his matriculation processing was completed.

The Commandant soon made it clear to Henry and his classmates exactly what was expected of them. Henry began to receive a complete education in all branches of military tactics, fortifications, engineering, and general scientific knowledge in subjects connected with, and necessary to, his thorough knowledge of the military profession. His education would qualify him as an officer capable of command or for staff appointment in the Army after graduation.

In addition to his military education Henry also received thoroughly practical, scientific, and sound training in many other academic areas essential to a high and general modern education of the period. His courses of instruction included studies in Civil Engineering, Architecture, Physics, Chemistry, Electrical Engineering, and Meteorology. Henry took an obligatory course in Surveying which would qualify him for the profession of Dominion Land Surveyor.

Henry followed a rigorous time table as established by the College. The day started for him with reveille at 6 A.M. and ended with lights out at 10.30 P.M. seven days a week except Sunday when reveille was delayed until 6.30 A.M. Each week day consisted of a series of defaulter's parades/ meal parades, drill parades, and class parades. There were three study sessions each day lasting two hours each, with the last session ending at 8.00 P.M. The days were long and the training strenuous. Each academic year consisted of two terms; the summer term which ran from the 15th of April to the 15th of October, and the winter term which ran from the 16th of October to the 14th of April.

At the end of Henry's first year (1885/1886) at the Royal Military College two young gentleman cadets, who were to become famous throughout the British Empire, were graduated. No. 147 E.P.C. Girouard, later Colonel Sir Percy Girouard, KCMG, DSO was one of these cadets.[30] The second was No. 151 A.C. Macdonnell (later Lieutenant General A.C. Macdonnell, KCB, CMG, DSO) who commanded the 1st Canadian Division in the First World War and later became the first Commandant of the Royal Military Academy to be appointed from the Canadian Army.

Other historical military events involving RMC graduates occurred during Henry's time at the College. One very sad event took place in 1887. This was the death of the first ex-Cadet. No. 17 H.W. Reefer lost his life in a fall from a bridge at Vaudreuil while engaged in engineering work. This occasion naturally caused a period of mourning at the College. Reefer was a civilian at the time of this death. The first serving cadet to die was No. 266 G.T. Barlee when he was a recruit in 1888. He died in New York while on leave.

In far off corners of the globe many ex-Cadets were making history while Henry was engaged with his studies. From 1887 to 1889 Captain W.G. Stairs served as second in command of the expedition under H.M. Stanley to relief Emin Pasha.[31] Also, during 1887 and 1888 No. 39 H.B. Mackay took part in the expedition against the tribes on the West Coast of Africa as a Captain in the Royal Engineers. He was mentioned in despatches and awarded the Distinguished Service Order. He was the first ex-Cadet to win the DSO and the fourth to be mentioned in despatches. Mackay was also the first Cadet to die as a result of active service when he contracted West Coast Fever and expired from its consequences in 1891.

The year 1888 was also noteworthy for the fact that on the 28th of June the Premier, Sir John A. Macdonald, attended the College presentation of prizes. One of the graduates that year who was recommended for an Imperial Commission was No. 168 W.C.G. Heneker (later General Sir W.C.G. Heneker, KCB, KCMG, DSO).

After four strenuous years of study Henry Schofield Rogers approached graduation day. He first needed to clear the hurdle of passing his examinations for the 1888-89 term. The 1st Class examinations for that term included questions on Military Engineering (Field Fortifications), Explosives and Pioneer Duties, Attack and Defence of Fortresses, a General Paper covering a number of military subjects, Military Law, Military Administration, and two papers on Military History and Geography.

Henry Schofield Rogers was an outstanding student during his four years at the Royal Military College. He passed out with honours and was the recipient of the Governor General's Gold Medal for General Proficiency and the highest aggregate for the four year course. He was also awarded the Sword of Honour for the highest aggregate in military subjects. The Sword of Honour was awarded for General Proficiency in military subjects as a measure of the Cadet's leadership potential. To win this award Henry displayed excellence in conduct and discipline, as well as outstanding intellectual and physical qualities. His academic records show that he won several class prizes and a number of stars (or firsts) in his classes. These class prizes included Civil Engineering, Geology and Mineralogy, Chemistry, Military Engineering, and Reconnaissance and Sketching. He was also presented with the Crossed Flags for proficiency in Signalling, Spurs for Horsemanship, and a prize for his work in the Artillery Course. Clearly his mental capacities were high and he was most diligent in his study habits.

His outstanding academic achievement qualified Henry for an Imperial Commission. Upon graduation he received a Diploma with Honours and entered the Corps of Royal Engineers.[32] In August of 1885 a shortage of officers for the Royal Engineers had been noted in the British Army. It was noted that this shortage would continue until the output of engineer officers from Woolwich could be increased. In consequence it was decided that the officer ranks of the Royal Engineers would be augmented each year by commissioning young men into the Corps from the Royal Military College of Canada, the India Engineering College, Coopers Hill, and from various universities. Naturally the Corps sought the most highly qualified Cadets. As a result of this policy, formulated the year Henry entered the RMC, he was commissioned in the Royal Engineers in 1889. His was the only commission in the Royal Engineers granted to Canada that year.

On the date of his graduation Henry Schofield Rogers weighed 131 pounds and was 5'-10" tall. In the four years at the College he had grown seven and one-half inches and had gained 45 pounds. His chest measurement had also increased by four and three-quarter inches. This remained the College record until 1894 when a graduate was noted to have grown eight and one-quarter inches, gained 69 pounds, and added five and three-quarter inches to his chest girth. Truly, physical development was one of the main achievements of the Royal Military College in the latter part of the 19th century.


Immediately after graduation Henry had a few weeks of free time to spend before sailing for England. He could have taken a short holiday, but instead he chose to use the time for further work and study. He spent these weeks gaining experience in land and railway survey work in northern Ontario. He did not know it at the time, but this work would prove useful to him in just a few years when he would perform similar duties on the North West Frontier of India.

After these weeks of surveying the wilds of upper Canada Henry proceeded to England to attend the Officers' Course at the School of Military Engineering (S.M.E.) at Chatham in Kent. Henry cut a dashing figure in his uniform when he reported in at Chatham. His slender build was well suited to the fit of his full dress tunic. His face was thin and his head still maintained the oval shape it had when he was a Cadet at the RMC. He now wore his curly hair cropped short with sideburns cut off neatly at the upper edge of his ears. He sported a bushy moustache which was pointed at the ends. His eyes were piercing and intense.

At the time that Henry began the Officer's Course at Chatham (1889) the course length was two years and three months. The Commandant of the School of Military Engineering was Colonel R.N. Dawson-Scott RE. Henry arrived in time to be fitted in to the S.M.E. between two of the half-yearly batches of officers from Woolwich. He shared the "fitting-in" with a number of young officers who had been granted direct commissions from Cooper's Hill Engineering College and with others from various universities.

Henry started the course with instruction in military drill and musketry; that is, instruction in the basic skills of the soldier. Once these basics were behind him (and they actually represented much repetition of what he had learned at the RMC) he started the next phase of instruction in the Construction School. Here he learned the elements of construction engineering, strength of materials, the design of buildings and steel bridges, water supply, sanitation, heating, lighting, and the manufacture and use of concrete.

Next came a fortnight of instruction dealing with the principles of Fortification. Henry and the other officers of his batch (the British terminology for a class) went to the Isle of Wight for the introductory portion of this instruction where they toured the fortifications on the island. Additionally, they visited the fortifications at Plymouth, and finally they were able to see the actual construction taking place on the forts then being built for the defence of Chatham Dockyard not very far down the road from the School of Military Engineering. With these preliminaries out of the way Henry then spent the greater part of six months learning Field and Siege Engineering and the construction of field defences, obstacles, water supply and sanitation in the field and in camps. Also included in this course of instruction was sapping and the construction of siege trenches, mining, and the construction of military bridges. This last segment of instruction included timber bridges over ditches of old fortifications and the use of pontoons and other forms of floating bridges. He and his batch went to Upnor to practice pontooning and spent the summer month in a camp at Wouldham. This gave him some useful experience in camp life. Additionally, the tidal waters of the Medway gave excellent practice in the construction of piers and bridges.

Next Henry attended the course in the Survey School. This course was presented in two separate parts; Military Topography and Surveying. Military Topography included the military reconnaissance of ground and the preparation of sketch maps and reports required for the proper appreciation of the military features of terrain. Having won class prizes in Reconnaissance and Sketching at the RMC, Henry excelled in this latter subject. The accurate surveying methods taught at the S.M.E. included all the stages necessary for the preparation of maps following the procedures adopted by the Ordnance Survey. Henry's course work included trigonometric surveys connecting selected fixed points in the area to be mapped, with the detail to be filled in by a chain survey or by plane table methods. The survey course also included the running of a traverse line by theodolite and level. The line would be of sufficient accuracy for the lay-out of a road or railway line. The Survey Course also provided Henry with a short period of instruction in Astronomy sufficient to enable him to be able to fix his position in any part of the world or to carry out simple navigational procedures. He was also introduced to Meteorology and the recording of weather statistics.

From surveying it was on to the Electrical School where he was taught signalling procedures using both flags and lamps, the principles of electricity and its application to firing explosive charges, the use of telegraph and telephone and the use of lightning conductors, electric bells and the lighting of buildings. Henry also received instruction in the theory and use of searchlights.

The Workshops Course came next as Henry's time at Chatham drew close to its end. In the Workshops there was a short course on the steam engine, accompanied by practical experience in driving the steam road-engines or "steam sappers" as they were called. He also became familiar with the practical operation of the ordinary trades of carpentry, plumbing and bricklaying. The final course of instruction took place in the Chemistry School where Henry was introduced to the chemistry of building materials.

Second Lieutenant Rogers completed the Officers' Course at Chatham in 1891 and in September of that year he was tentatively assigned to the Military Works Service (M.W.S.) in India. His orders to the Military Works Service assigned him to Peshawar where he would assume the duties of Executive Engineer, 3rd Class in the Public Works Department (Road and Buildings). He boarded a troopship in England and arrived at Bombay on the 7th of November 1891. In Bombay he received further orders to proceed immediately to Calcutta where he was to report to the officer commanding the Submarine Mining Detachment there. His orders to the Public Works Department in Peshawar had apparently been rescinded by the Indian Army authorities. Instead he was scheduled for a six month course in laying mine fields and working searchlights under the guns of the redoubts near the mouth of the Hugli River, some 80 miles below Calcutta.

In June of 1892 another Rogers was graduated from the Royal Military College. Henry's cousin, Robert Percy, was commissioned a Second Lieutenant. On the 27th of the same month Henry was promoted to the rank of Lieutenant and continued serving in Calcutta. At about that same time (June of 1892) he reached the end of his submarine mining course and was finally taken on the strength of the Military Works Service. He would remain with the M.W.S. for almost eight years, during which time he served as Assistant Engineer in Lucknow, Secunderabad and Madras. He would also serve as Executive Engineer in charge of the Allahabad Division. This division included all the garrisons at Cawnpore, Benares, Dinapore, and other cantonments in the region.

Rogers soon learned that all the engineering works in the garrisons throughout India came under the Military Works Service. These works included barracks, forts, defence posts, roads, water supplies, lighting, and many other duties and responsibilities. Each province in which he worked had its own peoples and customs and he was faced with having to deal with different materials, craftsmen, and methods of carrying out work. Rogers very much enjoyed his work with the M.W.S. and felt that the building experience which he gained during those years had been useful to him from both a civil and a military point of view.

He found his work at Secunderabad particularly interesting and useful. It was there that during two years he was in executive charge of the work on a new water supply. Although he did not know it at the time this experience would enable him to perform water supply duties of enormous proportions during the Great War which would envelope all of Europe from 1914 to 1918. At the time that Rogers was there Secunderabad had the largest garrison in India. Its cantonment measured some eleven miles in length and was three to four miles wide. Within the cantonment the European and Native cavalry regiments, infantry battalions, batteries of artillery and the Sappers and Miners each had their own barracks or "lines" scattered like villages over the area. The cantonment was only a few miles from the large walled city of Hyderabad, the capital of Hyderabad State, where the Nizam[33] and his court resided. A large portion of the Hyderabad State standing army was also quartered in this area.

About the time Rogers arrived at Secunderabad (in 1894) a scheme for piped water had been sanctioned for the cantonment. Water was to be obtained from a large reservoir which the Nizam's engineers were forming by the building of a long earth dam across the valley some miles outside the cantonment. Rogers' job was the construction by native contract and direct labour of a low level reservoir blasted out of the rock at the end of the gravity supply main on the top of a nearby hill called the "Gun Rock". He also was responsible for the provision of the pump house and plant to raise the water from the low to the high level, and the laying of a gravity distribution system to the various troop lines and posts scattered over the cantonment area. All this was done before the days of Portland Cement concrete. In Rogers' own words he "learned quite a lot about water supplies during those two years" in Secunderabad. Somehow, during this extremely busy time in his life he managed to think of his social life and became a member of the Army and Navy Club in 1894. It was fortunate that he joined that year, the same year that he arrived at Secunderabad, because for the next two years his water supply duties kept totally consumed his time and energies.

Lieutenant Rogers was assigned to active service as a Field Engineer on the Punjab Frontier in 1897. He took part in operations there during that year and into 1898. A fanatical uprising broke out on the Punjab Frontier on the 26th of July 1897. The whole of the North West Frontier was soon engulfed in the revolt with the tribesmen of the Swatis, the Mohmands and the Afridis all united against the British. Expeditionary forces were sent to the Punjab to put down the uprisings. For his services with the expeditionary forces Rogers was awarded the India General Service Medal (1895-1902). The first clasp which he earned was PUNJAB FRONTIER 1897-98. The engineer troops authorized this clasp included 3, 4 and 5 Companies of the Bengal Sappers and Miners. Engineers served with both the Mohmand Field Force and the Tirah Expeditionary Force from the 10th of June 1897 to the 6th of April 1898. Rogers served with the Tirah Expedition and was in charge of gangs of hired "coolies" as he called them, along with native craftsmen such as carpenters, joiners, and blacksmiths. His mission was to construct hill roads, to build posts, and to construct bridges in support of the Sapper and Miner units. Rogers and his labour force would follow up the advancing troops and would complete and maintain the hasty work carried out by the companies of Sappers and Miners.

Rogers was also authorized the clasp SAMANA 1897 which was awarded to personnel who served on the frontier beyond Kohat. The engineer troops involved included 4 Company of the Bombay Sappers and Miners as well as the 21st Madras Pioneers. Eligibility for this clasp extended from the 22nd of August until the 2nd of October 1897. Rogers' final clasp, TIRAH 1897-98, was awarded to troops with the Tirah Expeditionary Force which served on the frontier between the 2nd of October 1897 and the 6th of April 1898.

While Henry was with the Tirah Expeditionary Force in 1897, his brother Guy Hamilton Rogers was in his final year at the Royal Military College of Canada. Guy was offered and accepted a commission in the Bedfordshire Regiment. This was a special commission offered on the 60th Anniversary of the reign of Queen Victoria and as such, Guy left Kingston before the end of term to join his regiment. He subsequently transferred to the Indian Army and joined the 11th Rajputs. Guy would have a distinguished career in the Indian Army. His duties would take him to the North West Frontier, to Mesopotamia during the Great War, and to England as the head of the newly formed Department of Indian Affairs. As a senior officer he was to be offered the post of Commandant of the Royal Military College. However, when it was determined that he had never graduated (because of his special commission) the offer of the Commandant's post was withdrawn.[34]

In 1898, after Tirah, Henry was sent to Simla as one of the Personal Assistants to the Director-General, Military Works Service. His particular duties involved examining and noting water supply and sewage disposal schemes drawn up in the various commands throughout India. His work took him to cantonments all over India where he would make his observations and then direct necessary action to be taken on the instructions of his superior. At the time that he was engaged in this work enteric fever was the great scourge of British troops and the water supplies and sanitary services had to be provided as rapidly as possible. Rogers work in this regard was of the greatest import to the health and well being of the British forces in India at the time. In addition to these most important and rewarding duties, Rogers found that his two years at Army Headquarters in India gave him some insight into both military and works administration which would be useful to him later on in his career; specifically, as Surveyor of Prisons for the Home Office upon his return to England.

In Simla he was transferred to the Building and Roads branch of the Punjab Public Works Department where he was employed as Sub-Divisional Officer in charge of work on the Hindustan-Tibet Road. This road was a high level route for pack transport which wound for some 75 miles from Simla into the heart of the Himalayas and ended up near Tibet. The purpose of the road was closely tied to the work of building a narrow gauge railway from Kalka to Simla. Work on the railway was to be commenced shortly and the Punjab Government had decided to improve communications with the far interior by cutting hill tracks for pack mule and camel transport where necessary, to attract traffic to the new railway from the fertile valleys branching out from the Upper Sutlej River. Rogers' job was to design and build a few light, permanent suspension bridges across the Sutlej and to reconnoiter and estimate construction requirements for hill tracks from the Sutlej Valley up to the high level road. Rogers had just gotten started on this most interesting assignment when he was ordered to the North West Frontier to take over the Dehra Ishmail Khan Division. This sudden reassignment was the result of the Executive Engineer for that division becoming ill and proceeding home on sick leave.

On the 21st of March 1898 Henry was married to Aileen O'Conor, the daughter of J.E. O'Conor, CIE. Mr. O'Conor was the Director General of Statistics for the government in India. A year later, on the 20th of March 1899, their first child Guy O'Conor Rogers was born.

During the summer of 1899 the Mahsud Waziris had caused a lot of trouble by raiding villages within the borders of the North West Frontier of India and shooting up and looting caravans in the Gomal Pass. This pass had been the main trade route from Central Asia for centuries, and the British and Indian governments felt compelled to keep it open. Instead of sending an expedition into Waziristan, as had been done in the Malakand and Tirah a few years before, it was decided to blockade the Mahsud country and rush in at unexpected times to blow up their towers and burn their villages.

Rogers spent two of the most interesting years of his life on active service in charge of works, both military and civil, over a large area and in most exciting times. He was promoted Captain on the 1st of April 1900 and at the time happened to be the only sapper Executive Engineer in the Punjab Public Works Department. He always believed that it was for this reason that he was sent to participate in the operations in Waziristan. For this service he received the clasp WAZIRISTAN 1901-02 for his India General Service Medal. He also received the thanks of the Punjab Government for his outstanding service in the field.

The Waziristan clasp for Rogers' India General Service Medal was rather unique. The clasp was authorized in 1903 to those, who like Rogers, had participated in operations in the Waziri and Mahsud districts. The original India General Service Medal of 1895 which had been awarded to Rogers bore the effigy of Queen Victoria. When the Queen died in 1901 a second version of the medal was struck bearing the head and shoulders of King Edward VII in the uniform of a Field Marshal. The Victorian medal with the clasp for WAZIRISTAN 1901-02 is rare. According to Gordon, in his book "British Battles and Medals", only three Europeans, except for British officers of Indian units, took part in these operations and were authorized the clasp. Henry Schofield Rogers is one of these three Europeans. Henry's brother Guy was in India at this time and also participated in the Mahsud blockade. He, however, was awarded the Edward VII version of the India General Service Medal with the Waziristan clasp.

When the blockade was raised Rogers' Works Division was taken over by the Military Works Service. Shortly before his transfer to Dehra Ishmail Khan, the North West Frontier Province had been separated from the Punjab and given a separate administration. It had a Chief Commissioner who dealt directly with the Government of India. However, during this reorganization military works had not yet taken over the engineering services from the Punjab Public Works Department. This was now all changed. The work which Rogers had been doing previously was now under the control of the M.W.S. and a Commander Royal Engineers (C.R.E.) with senior rank in the Corps was appointed. Rogers was transferred to Peshawar to take charge of the construction of the headquarters for new Civil Administration of the new frontier province. With native direct labour he built Government House, the new Law Courts, government administrative office buildings and residences for a number of high officials.

On Christmas day of 1902 the Rogers second child was born. Guy-boy, as there little son was called, now had a sister who was named most appropriately, Noel. For private reasons, having to do with his long service in India and his growing family, Rogers applied to revert to home service. He remained at Peshawar long enough to see the work on the civil headquarters nearing completion. He and his family were ready to return home to England and they sailed for home in October of 1903. He had by this time qualified in Urdu (lower standard) and had also been qualified in Submarine Mining as a direct result of his work in the Calcutta detachment in 1891.

When he arrived home he had hopes of being posted to a field company or one of the divisional Royal Engineer units. His assignments with the Military Works Service and the Public Works Department had been interesting and gratifying. However, he now felt it was time to join a troop unit of sappers whose mission was to directly support military operations during time of war. Instead, he was posted as a Staff-Captain to the War Office in London. This assignment was a direct result of his being chosen for the post by one of his late chiefs in the Indian Military Works Services, who was Inspector-General of Fortifications and head of the Corps of Royal Engineers.

With regard to not being assigned to a field company or divisional Royal Engineers, Henry wrote in 1938:[35]

"There must be many, who like me, never served in a unit but who have been engaged on both civil and military engineering work in many parts of the world, and there are others who have specialized in various branches of engineering, and in these days there are many electrical and mechanical specialists in the Corps."

"I do not think that my experience could be considered other than normal in my day, for my contemporaries who went to India, and the others whose tours of foreign service were spent in the Dominions and Colonies, must have had experience very similar to mine - some in works and others in other branches of engineering".

Despite these statements concerning the norm for assignments of officers in his day, Rogers felt he had been cheated of the experience of leading soldiers in the field. He himself was very much a soldier as well as a dedicated and professional engineer. He felt the disappointment of not participating directly in the military actions on the North West Frontier. Unlike his brother, who served with an Indian infantry battalion, or his fellow Sapper officers who had served with Indian Sapper and Miner companies, he had not come face to face with a charging, fanatical tribesman. Certainly he had the campaign medal indicating that he had participated, and a well earned medal it was. However, in the heart and mind of Henry Schofield Rogers there resided the nagging feeling that he had not experienced all that he could have while on active service.

At the War Office Henry served in the branch that administered the Barrack and Fortifications loans, which were then the method of financing the great wave of barrack buildings and permanent fortification works in England and abroad. During his time at the War Office the administration of the British Army was entirely changed, the Army Council being born and many old appointments and methods buried. Rogers felt his time there gave him some insight into military and works administration, procedure and methods in England. He realized that he sorely missed this experience, having spent the early years of his military career doing things the Indian Army way.

Rogers remained in this position until the 1st of April 1905 when he was assigned to the Department of the Master-General of Ordnance under the Director of Fortifications.[36] In this assignment he worked directly for Colonel R.M. Ruck. Serving with Rogers at the time was Captain (later Major-General E.D. Swinton), a leading figure in the establishment of the Railway Pioneer Regiment in South Africa during the Boer War of 1899 to 1902. Swinton was also later to become instrumental in the formation of the Tank Corps during the Great War of 1914-18. Rogers continued to work for the Director of Fortifications for exactly two years. On the 1st of April 1907 he was "lent" by the military authorities at the War Office to the Prison Commission of the Home Office for employment as Surveyor of Prisons. The Home Office had asked for a Sapper Officer to take up the appointment and Rogers was offered the job. He did not wish to retire from the Corps and, as the Royal Engineers authorities considered that the experience in the Prisons branch would be of military value to an R.E. officer, his services were lent for five years. This was a rather unusual assignment for an army officer and one which was to develop a new career pattern for Captain Rogers. In fact, his status of being "on loan" to the Prison Commission would eventually turn into a full time transfer as he found the prison work much to his liking.

5. SURVEYOR OF PRISON, 1907-1915

The term "Surveyor of Prisons" was a very old title for his position, as Rogers himself explained in a curriculum vitae which he submitted to the Royal Military College Club of Canada sometime during the nineteen twenties. He felt that the old title did not really convey the full scope of duties associated with the position. He wrote further that the modern term for his position would be "Chief Engineer of Prisons". Whatever his title, as Surveyor of Prisons Captain Rogers now worked for the Home Office rather than the War Office and reported to the Prison Commissioners. His duties included the design and execution of all works services (including estate work) for the Borstal Institutions and Prisons in England and Wales.[37] In this capacity he was the technical advisor to the Secretary of State on all matters regarding accommodation and arrangements that were to be provided by local authorities for prisoners and their escorts in civil courts and police stations throughout the country. For a man holding the rank of Captain in the Royal Engineers this was a rather lofty position, carrying a rather prestigious title. Although not quite forty years of age at this time, Rogers' intellect and engineering and management experience were certainly the main reasons for his selection for this position.

As Captain Rogers got into the details of his new position he found that it entailed all branches of domestic building and engineering in prison establishments of all sizes, varying from those which could accommodate only a few hundred inmates with a few houses for their small staffs, to large establishments holding up to 1,400 prisoners with small prison villages for their larger staffs. The scope of his work covered the design, construction and maintenance of buildings of all sorts including large prison wings, hospitals, chapels, workshops, farm buildings and dwelling houses. Additionally, he found that he had to deal also with the maintenance of cooking, lighting, ventilating and heating systems, as well as the machinery and power plants for the prison facilities. The position required a working knowledge of architecture, civil, electrical and mechanical engineering, and often necessitated Rogers acting as a general contractor as well.

An interesting facet of the work on these prison facilities centered on the use of prison labour almost exclusively for the construction to be accomplished. Building and engineering contracts were seldom used; therefore, Rogers found that he needed to execute his plans with a rather untrained and no doubt unwilling work force. The only labour he was permitted to pay for was limited to a minimum number of skilled tradesmen which each service might require to work with the prisoners and to supplement their labour. At times tradesmen were also hired to carry out work beyond the skills of the prisoners. It was a lean operation and one that certainly demanded management skill and innovation on Rogers' part. By implementing this system he was actually able to keep construction expenditure to little more than the cost of materials - a feat which certainly kept the government and the politicians very happy.

Captain Rogers soon found that this new position required special care and knowledge in preparing plans which could be executed by prisoner labour. It also took a good bit of care when selecting and applying materials suitable for use by this unskilled labour force. Rogers demonstrated his wide knowledge of building methods and materials in this regard and trained and disciplined his staff to be able to work within the parameters established by the Home Office.

His staff was organized along functional lines to deal with estate management, building and engineering drawings, estimating, purchasing of building and engineering materials, purchasing of machinery, works supervision and works accounting. Rogers handled a great deal of responsibility in this position between 1907 and 1915, and he handled it efficaciously.

By 1908 Roger had settled in very well at the Home Office and began to take part in activities which he had missed while in India. He could now enjoy his membership in the Army and Navy Club. His particular interest in concrete as a building material led him to become a co-founder of The Concrete Institute in 1908. On the 5th of December of this same year he was promoted to Major. He now held a military rank somewhat more in keeping with the level of responsibilities thrust upon him as the Surveyor of Prisons.

Henry's brother Guy was still in India at this time and was busily engaged in another frontier campaign with the Mohmand Field Force. These operations lasted from the 14th of February to the 31st of May 1908 and earned for Guy the India General Service Medal 1908-1935 with clasp NORTH WEST FRONTIER 1908.

In May of 1909 Henry's father retired as the Postmaster of Peterborough after 36 years in that position. Having time on his hands, the elder Rogers visited his son in England during the summer of that year and then returned to Canada to settle in Victoria, British Columbia.

Henry Schofield Rogers retired from the Army as a Major in the Reserve of Officers in December of 1909 with just over 20 years of military service. At this point he was determined to continue his career of government civil service as the Surveyor of Prisons. In 1910 he returned to North America for a visit to the United States. During his travels he visited Washington, D.C. His visit to the States was prompted by the need to study the U.S. prison system in some detail. England at the time was experiencing a sudden demand for prison reform. Critics of the British penal system were criticizing the Prison Commission with suggestions that the prisons were maintaining the torturous atmosphere of the Middle Ages. The solitary confinement system came under the heaviest fire.

This growing criticism was fueled by the staging of a new play entitled "Justice" by John Galsworthy. The play depicted a man condemned to solitary confinement and its most dramatic scene was a wordless one in which the man, pacing to and fro in his cell, suddenly flings himself at the door, pounding madly with his fists. The intenseness of the scene and the play in general horrified the well-to-do audiences of the time and filled the theatre nightly. The climax of the play, in which the convict on ticket-of-leave kills himself in sheer despair, added to the moral urgency of the theme.

Winston Churchill was Home Secretary at this time. He reacted to public opinion and agreed that reform was necessary. Mr. Churchill admitted that the scenes portrayed by John Galsworthy were not fabrications, but in fact represented very closely the true conditions in many of Britain's prisons. Churchill admitted that he had been moved by the play to study more closely the conditions existing in the prisons across Great Britain. As a result, a series of reforms in prison life were begun, and one of these was the Borstal system and the opening of the new institution at Feltham. This movement for prison reform, started essentially by a stage play, brought considerable prominence to Henry Schofield Rogers' position as Surveyor of Prisons.

Rogers returned to England and to his duties after a short stay in America during which he learned something of the American system of prison construction. In 1913 he was elected to the Council of The Institution of Structural Engineers. This institution was formerly The Concrete Institute of which Henry had been a co-founder. His civilian career prospered even as storm clouds gathered over Europe and the possibility of England entering a world war became greater with each day that passed.

During this early period as Surveyor of Prisons Rogers was commended for his work by Sir Evelyn Ruggles-Brise, K.C.B., a former Chairman of the Prison Commission. In a letter written in March of 1912 Sir Evelyn had this to say about Rogers’ work:

"I have the honour to call attention to the special services rendered to this Department by the Surveyor, Major Rogers, late R.E., in connection with the building of the three establishments at Borstal, Feltham, and Camp Hill, in connection with the Prevention of Crimes Act, 1908. Major Rogers' wide experience in India, where he was employed on many works of great public importance, and allowed a free hand in their design and execution, enabled him to take up the difficult problem of Prison building without undue adherence to the custom and tradition of the Department. The three institutions named are evidence of originality of conception, and soundness of execution, which reflect the greatest credit on the Surveyor and his Staff..."

"With regard to Camp Hill. In this case the Surveyor was called upon to design a new and original building for an entirely new and distinct class of prisoners... Its successful execution, without the aid of contract, testifies to his skill and ingenuity".

The horrific events of August 1914 did not immediately affect Rogers. He continued in the position of Surveyor of Prisons until the 1st of March 1915 when he was finally recalled to the Colours.


In the spring of 1915 Henry Schofield Rogers was back in uniform as a Major, Reserve of Officers. At almost 46 years of age he was assigned as a Staff Officer to the Deputy Director of Works on Lines of Communication North in Boulogne, France. This was a not-to-strenuous and safe job far behind the front lines for which Major Rogers was certainly well qualified. His tremendous energies and patriotic fervour would not, however, allow him to remain that far from the action at the front. By August he had been reassigned as a Staff Officer, Royal Engineers with the headquarters of the British VII Corps.

Henry’s brother Guy had been fighting in the Great War since its beginning in 1914. Eight years Henry's junior, Guy commanded an Indian infantry battalion in Mesopotamia. A family story is told about how one day Guy and his unit encountered a large Arab force in the desert. Guy's unit formed into line facing the Arab line. Guy marched forward alone towards the Arab line and was met half way by a group of Arab princes. One of the princes was very much pro-German, and when he was close enough to Guy the prince spat on his trouser leg. This horrible insult to British dignity brought a profound silence to the desert as both sides waited to see Guy's reaction. Coolly, Guy grabbed the obnoxious prince's robe and used it to wipe the spittle from his uniform. Another prince, the older brother of the first, was decidedly pro-British. Seeing his younger brother lose face, or whatever an Arab prince loses when grossly insulted, the older brother took charge of the situation and a potentially sanguinary episode was turned into a bloodless victory for the British side.

While Guy was fighting the Germans and their Turkish allies in Mesopotamia Henry was kept busy in the European theatre of the war. As the great British offensive on the Somme was being planned, Henry Rogers' engineering talents and organizational skills were put to better use than as a staff officer at a corps headquarters. In January of 1916 he was assigned to special duties with Advanced Water Supply Headquarters for the Third, Fourth, and Fifth Army, and was largely responsible for the organization and methods for raising and distributing water in the fighting zone and in the forward troop concentration areas. When the Somme offensive began on the 1st of July 1916 it was Major Rogers who had worked out the Fourth Army water supply plan which was so vital for sustaining the offensive during the hot summer period. During the actual battle he worked with both Third and Fourth Army Headquarters on the Vimy-St. Quintain front in order to ensure that adequate water was supplied to the troops of both armies as the battle progressed. The fact that the troops got water during those anxious months of fighting on top on the watershed of France was evidence of Rogers' superior engineering and planning skills.

For his work with water supply during the Battle of the Somme Major Rogers was awarded the Distinguished Service Order. The award of his DSO was published in the London Gazette of the 1st of January 1917. On the 4th of January 1917 the London Gazette also published the despatch of Field Marshal Haig dated the 13th of November 1916. Rogers' name was mentioned in this despatch for his outstanding services in the field during and subsequent to the Battle of the Somme.

Throughout 1917 Major Rogers continued to work on water supply duties for both the Arras offensive and the Battle of Cambrai. In November of that year he was assigned as the Commander Royal Engineers (CRE) of XVII Corps Troops in the Arras salient.[38] For his services during the period from the 26th of February 1917 to midnight of the 20th/21st of September 1917 Rogers was again mentioned in the despatches of Field Marshal Haig. The London Gazette of the 11th of December 1917 published this recognition.

Rogers continued to serve in France and Flanders during the last year of the war. The London Gazette of the 20th of December 1918 published yet another mention in despatches of Field Marshal Haig. This despatch was dated the 8th of November 1918 and covered Rogers' services during the period of the 25th of February 1918 to midnight of the 16th /17th of September 1918.

With the war's end in November 1918 Rogers returned home to England. On the 19th of March 1919 he was promoted Lieutenant Colonel in the Reserve of Officers on his retirement from the Army, which took place just three months short of his 50th birthday. He did not waste any time returning to his previous civilian position. In April he reported to the Home Office to a desk in Whitehall, London SW1 were he immediately resumed his former duties as the Surveyor of Prisons. As he settled into civilian life he found that he was still not finished completely with the

Army, although his involvement with the military would indeed be pleasant and not disruptive to his civilian career. On the 3rd of June 1919 the London Gazette announced his appointment to the Order of St. Michael and St. George (CMG) as a Companion of that Order. The London Gazette of the 5th of July 1919 announced his fourth mention in the despatches of Field Marshal Haig. This despatch, dated the 16th of March 1919, recognized Rogers' services during the period from the 16th of September 1918 to the 15th of March 1919. His service during the Great War also entitled him to wear the 1914-15 Star, the British War Medal, and the Victory Medal. His final military honour was bestowed on the 15th of December 1919 when the London Gazette published his award of the French Legion of Honour (Chevalier).


As Henry Schofield Rogers was leaving military service his son Guy was just beginning his. From the end of 1919 and into 1920 Guy O'Conor Rogers served in the ranks for a period of 166 days and then entered the Royal Military Academy at Woolwich. Guy left the RMA without being commissioned and transferred to Sandhurst from which he was commissioned on the 24th of December 1920 as a Second Lieutenant in the Durham Light Infantry. A month later, on the 24th of January 1921, Guy began a period of military service which did not count for pay, increase of pay, time promotion or retirement. However, by the 27th of February of that same year Guy returned to full active status with his regiment. He was promoted Lieutenant in the Durham Light Infantry on the 24th of December 1922.

While his son Guy was busy with the beginnings of his military career Henry Schofield Rogers was engrossed in his Home Office duties. In a letter dated the 19th of November 1923 he was commended for his outstanding service by Sir Maurice Walker.[39] Sir Maurice wrote:

"Exceptionally heavy and important duties devolved on Colonel Rogers from the beginning of his Prison Service. Almost immediately after he joined the Department he was engaged on plans for the rebuilding of Borstal, and for the building of the new Preventive Detention Prison at Camp Hill. Two new systems in the treatment of offenders had been introduced, and new establishments had to be devised to meet their requirements, for which the old traditions of prison construction afforded little guidance. All who visit the two establishments testify to the remarkable ability which was shown by Colonel Rogers in planning both places, and in carrying out his plans. Before they were finished the old industrial school building at Feltham in Middlesex was purchased for another Borstal Institution, and Colonel Rogers' skill was again severely tested in adapting these old buildings to new requirements. The work presented some peculiar difficulties, but he carried it out with success. The three new establishments had hardly been completed when war broke out, and Colonel Rogers served throughout it with distinction."

"On his return he was called on to plan and carry out the first comprehensive scheme for housing prison officers which has ever been undertaken; a housing scheme on a considerable scale having become inevitable because prison officers returning from the War had nowhere to live. The planning of suitable types of cottages and flats, which he did very successfully, was the least part of Colonel Rogers' work on this scheme. He had to overcome many serious difficulties in finding and adapting in the poor and crowded neighbourhoods where local prisons usually stand, pieces of ground on which to put his new quarters. He had to employ prison labour for practically everything, owing to the scarcity of money."

"It would take too long to recount the work done by Colonel Rogers in many other directions such as the rebuilding of a great part of Portland and Dartmoor Prisons, the building of workshops, the conversion of rooms, the central heating of prisons, etc. The matter can be fairly summed up by saying that the duties entrusted to him since the first appointment have been much heavier and more important than those of any previous Surveyor of Prisons, and that they have been carried out with exceptional ability, and with marked economy throughout. Colonel Rogers is, in fact, as distinguished for economy in working as he is for professional skill."

"His duties have not been limited to those of Surveyor. He has regularly given valuable advice on the industrial training of Borstal inmates and prisoners, the trades to be undertaken, and the machinery to be installed; and he advises the Controller of Stores to a certain extent in his purchases."

"He is a valuable adviser on prison questions in general. He accompanied Sir Evelyn Ruggles-Brise to the Washington Congress in 1910; and has recently, at the invitation of the Belfast Government, given special advice on the prisons in Northern Ireland. He is the Secretary of State's adviser on the construction and alteration of Court Houses and Police Stations throughout the country".

Rogers' visit to Belfast had taken place in 1923. In 1924 he reached the age of 55, the age limit for continued service in the Reserve of Officers, Royal Engineers. This was a hard time for him. Although he had not had a uniform on for official purposes for many years, he was still very much a soldier at heart. The idea that he was now too old for further military service hit him very hard.

In 1925 he again began a period of service on the Council of The Institution of Structural Engineers. He had previously served on the Council from 1913 to 1918, although he obviously had not been very active with Institution matters during the war.

In June 1926 Guy Rogers was serving at the Depot of the Durham Light Infantry in Newcastle. Although 60 years of age, Henry still had a place in his heart for things military. On the 9th of June 1929 he marched in the Veteran's Annual Church Parade at Aldershot. As usual, a large crowd of veterans had gathered for this event. The parade was commanded by Lieutenant Colonel G.B. Pears, MC and among others, there were present, General Sir Bindon Blood, GCB of Malakand Field Force fame, and Brigadier C.H. Foulkes, CB, CMG, DSO, ADC, the man behind the formation of the Royal Engineer Special Brigade during the Great War.[40] Rogers was one of about 200 old comrades on parade that day.[41] The parade marched to St. George's Church headed by the Corps band. The band played "Fight the Good Fight", "Ten Thousand Times Ten Thousand", and "Onward Christian Soldiers" as Rogers and the other veterans marched through ranks of serving Royal Engineers soldiers who were lined up on both sides of the parade route.

At the conclusion of the church service the parade re-formed and the salute was taken by Sir Bindon Blood. The serving soldiers lined the road from St. George's to the Recreation Ground as the veterans marched through. Sir Bindon Blood gave a short address at the Recreation Ground in which he expressed his great pleasure at being able to share the day with old comrades. Sir Bindon told all assembled, "If I may, I should like to say how pleased I am to see you all looking so well and so smart. You are a credit to the Corps."

After a few more comments Sir Bindon concluded his remarks by wishing all the veterans long life, health and happiness. He expressed the hope that he would meet them all again. Major General F.H. Kelly, CB, CMG, who commanded the veterans, called for three cheers to honour this grand old Sapper. Sir Bindon acknowledged them by remarking, "Thank you, my brother veterans."

Rogers and all the other veterans were entertained to lunch in the R.E. Theater following the parade. At the conclusion of the ceremonies for the week, Rogers returned home. Henry's residence at this time was Woodham Place, Horsell Common, Woking, Surrey.

In 1931, four years before his retirement from his post with the Prison Commission, Rogers was given a testimonial from the then Chairman of the Commission, Mr. A. Maxwell, C.B. Maxwell had this to say about his Surveyor of Prisons:

"For the last four years I have worked in close association with Colonel Rogers."

"Of his professional ability it is unnecessary for me to speak. The large undertakings which he has carried through with distinguished success, both as an officer of the Royal Engineers and as Surveyor of Prisons, are proofs of his attainments."

"I have been particularly impressed by his versatility and the wide range of his experience. In the Prison Department he is responsible not only for large schemes, such as the construction of new establishments and the modernisation of old establishments, but also for numerous details connected with the various types of property and plant belonging to the Prison Department, including, for example, farm buildings, workshops, laundries, cooking arrangements, hospitals, domestic houses for the accommodation of the staff, etc., etc."

"Almost all our work, including the building of new establishments, is done by direct labour, and consequently Colonel Rogers has many of the functions of the contractor as well as those of the architect and engineer. To all the various matters dealt with in his Department, including matters of business, of administration and of finance, Colonel Rogers brings a sound practical judgement."

"The Surveyor of Prisons is a responsible adviser of the Board on many aspects of policy, and Colonel Rogers has contributed much to the development of the prison system. He uses his professional knowledge to assist in shaping new schemes; and his keen interest, his ready apprehension, and his capacity for sympathetic co-operation make him a valuable coadjutor."

"As head of a department he commands the loyalty of his staff and gets the best out of all who serve under him."

"He is responsible for the expenditure of large sums and for much of the accounting work connected therewith. He gives special attention to the financial side of his work and has been more than once commended for his economy."

"Colonel Rogers is an active and energetic worker, and the Prison Commissioners would be glad to retain his services as long as possible, but he will shortly be due to retire under the Civil Service age limit, and for this reason is seeking another appointment."

"Colonel Rogers has the personal qualities which make him a pleasant and much liked colleague, and the Prison Commissioners will be very sorry to lose his help."

"That my high opinion of Colonel Rogers was shared by my predecessors in office is shown by the attached extracts from letters of Sir Evelyn Ruggles-Brise who was Chairman of the Prison Commission from 1895 to 1921, and of Sir Maurice Waller who was Chairman from 1921 to 1927. I also attach an extract from a War Office letter which indicates the opinion held by the Military Authorities of Colonel Rogers' work".

Maxwell's testimonial was delivered on the 28th of September 1931 and indicated that Rogers' retirement was imminent. It was not, however, until almost four years later that he actually did retire. His splendid record with the Prison Commission enabled him to gain an almost four year extension beyond the mandatory retirement age in order to continue on as Surveyor of Prisons until 1935 when he attained the age of 66 years.

Guy Rogers was promoted Captain on the 1st of August 1933. On the 27th of June 1935 Henry retired as the Surveyor of Prisons. He was awarded the King George V Jubilee Medal during this same year.

In retrospect Rogers could look back on his career as Surveyor of Prisons with a great deal of satisfaction. The prison at Camp Hill in Parkhurst Forest was his brainchild. The renovated prisons at Borstal, Feltham, and Portland stood as monuments to his skills as designer and builder, and as his final effort before retirement he worked on the new Borstal Institution at Lowdham Grange near Nottingham. For this last prison he selected the site, prepared the plans and carried out the supervision of the work by gangs of prisoners drafted to Lowdham Grange from other Borstal Institutions.

Rogers' work had saved the government many hundreds of thousands of pounds by his ability to organize and get quality work from convict labour. In return for their work the prisoners were able to be housed in greatly improved facilities with modern utilities and conveniences.

Rogers' personality and leadership styles are evident from the way in which he performed his military and civil duties, and from the way that he is described by his associates and superiors. He was a highly intelligent man who exercised a great deal of practical judgement in his work. He was a pleasant man, well liked by all for his keen interest in others and their problems as well as for his cooperative and sympathetic nature. Rogers was an active and energetic man, both physically and mentally. He possessed a great deal of knowledge concerning his work and was always eager to learn more whenever he had the opportunity to do so. He also found learning new things a facile endeavor and was skillful, ingenious, and original in the application of new ideas to his work. There is no doubt that Rogers was a versatile and experienced military and civil engineer who exercised his professional talents with skill and an extraordinary amount of cost consciousness in everything that he did. He was an effective leader in both the military and civilian communities and could display both assertive and analytic-autonomizing behavior depending upon the situation in which he found himself. With all of these positive traits it is no wonder that both the Home Office and the Corps of Royal Engineers found him to be such a great asset to their organizations.


After his retirement from civil service in 1935 Henry Schofield Rogers went into private engineering practice as the London representative and manager for Ewart Griffiths, Esq. M.I.M.E., as a consulting engineer. Henry worked out of an office at Dartmouth House, 2 Queen Anne's Gate, Westminster, London SW1. A year prior to his retirement from the Home Office he was elected Vice President of The Institution of Structural Engineers and served in that capacity until 1938. He had also served on all the Standing Committees of the Institution and was chairman of the Literature Committee between 1936 and 1938. Those who served under him on this committee applauded his keen interest and the meticulous care which he gave so willingly to the detailed work of the committee, qualities which contributed enormously to the smooth working of the organization.

In April of 1938 Guy Rogers managed to be transferred to the 2nd Battalion, Durham Light Infantry, which at that time was stationed in Woking, Surrey. The Rogers were able to have their son close by during this period and everyone enjoyed the closer family ties which the Army had so thoughtfully provided. In June of that same year Henry was elected President of The Institution of Structural Engineers. As one of the Institutions co-founders this was an honour which he most thoroughly enjoyed. During his Presidential Address, delivered on the 27th of October 1938, Rogers explained how during the previous month the crisis of international affairs had become acute in Europe and how he and the Secretary of the Institution had received letters from a number of members asking for information as to how they could best place their services at the disposal of the government in the event of mobilization. On the 27th of September 1938 he sent a letter to the Secretary of the Army Council describing the size, scope, and activities of The Institution of Structural Engineers and offering the services of its membership in the event of war. He also personally contacted the Assistant Adjutant-General, Royal Engineers (A.G.7) of the Directorate of Recruiting and Organization at the War Office. Rogers obtained useful information regarding the procedure the War Office had recently decided to follow with a view to being in a position to utilize the services of civilian engineers (as well as non-engineering specialists) to the best advantage. He duly presented this information to the Institution's members.

Rogers went on to say in his Presidential Address that numerous senior members of the Institution had served and won distinctions in the Corps of Royal Engineers during the Great War. He added, however, than many younger members had not had the opportunity to come into contact with military engineers and that many R.E. officers, both serving and retired, had few opportunities to associate professionally with civilian engineers. This apparent widespread lack of knowledge among civilian engineers regarding the work of the military engineer was troublesome to Rogers. He felt it necessary to give the membership of the Institution some idea of what Royal Engineers did and how they were trained. The following comments are directly from his Presidential Address:

"I have sometimes found that it is a matter for astonishment that a Royal Engineer should have any knowledge of engineering, other than how to dig trenches, build light field bridges and other elementary engineering operations required on active service, and am sure this is to be deplored; and I consider that it could not be other than to the public advantage if this state of affairs could be remedied, and that contact and mutual understanding between civilian and military engineers would be of benefit to the engineering and professional world, both in peace and war."

After describing the existence of this lack of mutual understanding within the civilian and military engineering communities, Rogers went on to give a lengthy explication of the organization and mission of the Corps of Royal Engineers and the functions of its officers.

Henry's son Guy was promoted to the rank of Major on the 1st of August 1938. As Henry had mentioned in his address to the membership of The Institution of Structural Engineers, war clouds had begun to gather in Europe as the madman Hitler began his maniacal journey that would result in the Second World War and the premature deaths of so many people. During the momentous year 1939 Henry's daughter Noel was married to Alan Harris, an officer in the Royal Navy. Britain became involved in the war shortly after their marriage and Harris was called to active service. During the war he commanded an aircraft carrier.

In June of 1939 Henry relinquished his position as President of The Institution of Structural Engineers. He was employed at this time as a Consulting Engineer with Ernest Griffith & Son of Cheshire. During this period his residence was "Hales", Park Road East, Woking, Surrey. He may have worn civilian clothes when the Second World War started, but there is not doubt that in his heart he was still a soldier. In March of 1940 he wrote regarding further military service that he was "available if age was not an absolute" in preventing him from rejoining the colours."[42]

On the 13th of December 1941 Guy Rogers was assigned to the 14th Battalion, Durham Light Infantry. He was appointed an Acting Lieutenant Colonel on the 5th of July 1943 and was assigned as Commanding Officer of the 11th Battalion of his Regiment. His command assignment was not of long duration and he relinquished it in September of that same year. On the 4th of October Guy reverted to his substantive rank of Major, and on the very next day was appointed Temporary Lieutenant Colonel. By the 7th of November 1943 Guy was again wearing the rank insignia of his substantive rank of Major.

In 1946 Henry Schofield Rogers' wife Aileen died. His son Guy retired from the Army on the 30th of July 1947, and in that same year Henry married Margaret Maclean Turnbull. His daughter Noel and her husband Alan went to Canada after the war and settled in Vancouver, British Columbia. After commanding an aircraft carrier in the war Alan Harris was only able to secure employment as the second mate on a tug boat in Vancouver Harbour. Alan Harris might have been content with that job but Noel was not happy and would not settle for it. She was a devout Catholic and was determined that her children would attend Catholic schools. Noel managed to get her daughter Susie enrolled in the Sacred Heart School in Vancouver, but she could not find an appropriate school for their son Chris. This lack of proper Catholic schooling for Chris resulted in the Harris family returning to England.

At this time Henry was retired from his consulting engineering practice and was living with his new wife at "Hales" in Woking. He was just getting over the death of Aileen when his daughter Noel also died. Fortunately his son-in-law Alan remained in England so that Henry could see his grandchildren.

Henry Schofield Rogers' retirement years did not start off very happily for him. His wife Aileen's death in 1946 and the death of his daughter Noel early in the 1950s were terrible blows to him. Fate would deal him another cruel blow very soon after Noel's death and he would lose his son Guy as well. On the 20th of March 1954 Guy O1Conor Rogers died at his home at Premington House, Barnstaple, Devon. He died on his birthday at age 55 years. Guy was well liked by his fellow officers and friends. At the time of his death this eulogy was given:[43]

"He was no good at polo, but was always considered a brilliant horseman. His sense of humour and his interest in the wellbeing of all who served under him made him many friends. These will remember frequent acts of kindness on his part, which were done unobtrusively, and for which he would never accept either thanks or credit. He will be much missed."

It seemed unnatural that the old man should outlive his children. After all, that was not the way nature intended it to be. Yet, for the Rogers family that is the way it was. Henry Rogers did not live long after his son's death.

He lived on at "Hales" with his second wife Margaret and a servant named Libuse Vach until the 3rd of August 1955 when he died at his home in Woking at the age of 87 years. His death was caused by a cerebral embolism and cardiovascular degeneration, or heart block, as it is described on his death certificate. At the time of his death Henry was attended by K.J.L. Scott, MB who duly certified his death and registered it on the same day that he died. Henry's wife Margaret was with him at the time of his death. His funeral service was held on the 5th of August at the Woking Crematorium and was conducted by the Rev. H.L. Higgs, the Vicar of St. John's Church. Henry's will was probated in London on the 17th of September 1955.

Henry Schofield Rogers' will had been prepared on the 28th of September 1947 and had been witnessed by one P. Windham, a retired Government of India servant residing at Heathfield Road, Woking, Surrey, and Major C. Evans, Royal Engineers, of Park Road, Woking. Rogers' will begins with the phrase, "I, Henry Schofield Rogers, C.M.G., D.S.O., Chevalier of the Legion of Honour of France, of 'Hales', 78 Park Road, Woking, Surrey, Lieutenant Colonel in His Majesty's Army, Retired...". It was clear how Rogers felt at this time of his life regarding what he had been and who he still was. His will contains no mention of his being the Surveyor of Prisons or the President of The Institution of Structural Engineers. He called himself by the title he cherished most - Lieutenant Colonel in His Majesty's Army. It is even strange that he did not include his affiliation with the Corps of Royal Engineers in the preamble of his will. He was undoubtedly proud of being an engineer, and especially proud of being a member of the Royal Engineers. However, when required to describe himself concisely in his will he chose to pay respect to his sovereign rather than his old Corps. This subtle choice demonstrated his deep loyalty to King and Country.

Margaret Maclean Rogers was the sole executrix of Rogers' will. He left his Sword of Honour from the Royal Military College, along with his medals, to his son Guy. Of course he had no way to know at that time that he would outlive his son. The residue of his estate he left to his wife, absolutely, requesting her to give Guy and Noel personal chattels as she and they felt appropriate. As both Noel and Guy predeceased their father, Margaret was the sole legatee on his death. Guy was never to receive his father's sword or his medals, yet Henry's deep pride in his military career was clearly demonstrated by singling out his own military honours and awards to leave to his son as the only specific items bequeathed to anyone in his will.

Somehow Henry Schofield Rogers' medals returned to Canada where they turned up in Toronto in 1988 and were acquired by the author. It would not be surprising if one of his grandchildren were responsible for bringing them home to the land of Henry's birth. The whereabouts of his Sword of Honour is unknown. For all his pride in his military achievements, the symbols of those achievements were not destined to remain together.


This narrative may be the final tribute to a military family. The descendants of Count de Rogier are no doubt plentiful and scattered throughout many parts of the world, however, the long history of service epitomized by the Count to his liege King William, by Robert the Ranger and his brothers James and Richard during the Seven Years War, by the many Rogers of Peterborough who served Canada so well during its period of frontier development, by the brothers Henry Schofield and Guy Hamilton Rogers on the North West Frontier of India and during the Great War, and by Guy 0'Conor Rogers during the Second World War, this history of service has come to an end. This book tells a proud story. Perhaps someday it will be read by a scion of one of the Rogers mentioned in it, and the study of the proud history of this family will be resumed by someone else. For the story should not end here.


The author is indebted to quite a few people who helped with the writing of this story by supplying information and by assisting with the research required to uncover the numerous details of the life of Henry Schofield Rogers. I would like to be able to write something about each and every one of them, but obviously that would be impossible. I have listed the individuals who contributed substantially to the information contained in this book. I would particularly like to thank my son 2nd Lieutenant Edward J. De Santis, U.S. Army, and my good friend Fred Larimore of Glenolden, Pennsylvania for their personal assistance with my research endeavors in Peterborough and in Kingston, Ontario. To the following people I also express ray thanks for their willing cooperation at various stages of the research for this book:


Mr. William Gorman of New Hampshire, a member of the Dunbarton Historical Society, supplied the following information regarding the Rogers family. Mr. Gorman lives near where James and Major Robert Rogers grew up. He is a descendant of Colonel James Rogers. In an email dated 12 August 2005 Mr. Gorman supplied the following information:

David McGregor Rogers was the 2nd David born to then Captain James Rogers and Mary (McGregor). Their first child named David died at the age of 4 years in 1766 and is buried just behind his grandfather, the Rev. David McGregor, in the Forest Hill Cemetery in East Derry, New Hampshire; therefore, James and Mary actually had 3 sons and 3 daughters.

Additional information regarding the Rogers family may be found in Mr. Gorman's web site at http://Rogers.LOOKinHERE.net.


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[1]. A non-heraldic description of the Rogers coat of arms would be a silver (argent) shield with a red (gules) chevron, or inverted V, issuing from the base of the shield. The chevron passes between three black (sable) walking (trippant) stags.

[2]. The Rogers' crest is represented by a helmet above the shield with a stag's head (couped) on top of the helmet. The helmet is of a fifteenth century pattern indicating the century of origin of the crest, although the coat of arms appears to predate the Norman conquest of England.

[3]. Some modern day historians claim that the Norman army may have been only one fourth the size reported by the contemporary chroniclers of the Battle of Hastings.

[4]. The old Roman fort of Anderita was later incorporated into the Norman Pevensey Castle. Much of it still remains today. The massive walls of the fort are 12 feet thick in places and reach up to 30 feet high.

[5]. Many of the Norman knights were mounted, but many others would have had to fight on foot as it is unlikely that William's fleet could have transported 50,000 war horses across the channel.

[6]. In the Special Forces Museum at Fort Bragg, North Carolina there is a portrait painting of Major Robert Rogers near the entrance to the main exhibit room. The unconventional warfare tactics developed by Rogers during the French and Indian War formed the basis for much of the U.S. Army Special Forces doctrine over two hundred years later. The Standing Orders of Rogers Rangers (written in Rogers' not quite so literate style) perhaps sum up this doctrine most succinctly:

1. Don't forget nothing.

2. Have your musket clean as a whistle, hatchet

scoured, sixty rounds powder and ball, and be ready to march at a minute's warning.

3. When you're on the march, act the way you would if you was sneaking up on a deer. See the enemy first.

4. Tell the truth about what you see and what you do. There is an army depending on us for correct information. You can lie all you please when you tell other folks about the Rangers, but don't never lie to a Ranger or officer.

5. Don't never take a chance you don't have to.

6. When we're on the march we march in single file, far enough apart so one shot can't go through two men.

7. If we strike swamps, or soft ground, we spread out abreast, so it's hard to track us.

8. When we march, we keep moving till dark, so as to give the enemy the least possible chance at us.

9. When we camp, half the party stays awake while the other half sleeps.

10. If we take prisoners, we keep em separate till we have had time to examine them, so they can't cook up a story between em.

11. Don't ever march home the same way. Take a

different route so you won't be ambushed.

12. No matter whether we travel in big parties or little ones, each party has to keep a scout 20 yards ahead, twenty yards on each flank and twenty yards in the rear, so the main body can't be surprised and wiped out.

13. Every night you'll be told where to meet if surrounded by a superior force.

14. Don't sit and eat without posting sentries.

15. Don't sleep beyond dawn. Dawn's when the French and Indians attack.

16. Don't cross a river by a regular ford.

17. If somebody's trailing you, make a circle, come back onto your own tracks, and ambush the folks that aim to ambush you.

18. Don't stand up when the enemy's coming against you. Kneel down, lie down, hide behind a tree.

19. Let the enemy come till he's almost close enough to touch. Then let him have it and jump out and finish him up with your hatchet.


[7]. The present day Fort Ticonderoga was built by the French in 1755 and was known as Fort Carillon. The fort commanded Lake Champlain and the entrance to Lake George to the south, and whoever held this fort controlled the great waterway between Canada and the British colonies in America.

[8]. William Johnson was an ambitious Irishman who had lived on the frontier along the north bank of the Mohawk River. He maintained a strong political hold over the Iroquois Indians of the area and as a result was to become very influential in military and Indian affairs. He held Robert Rogers in some esteem as a soldier during the war, but they became bitter enemies after the surrender of the French.

[9]. The fiendish barbarism and cruelty of the North American Indians of this period is hard to imagine. In addition to scalping, which was a common act of terror perpetrated on their enemies, captives would be skewered with sharpened pine stakes which were then set on fire, beheaded and their heads used as a ball, or perhaps the most inhumane torture of all being the severing of a man's ribs from his backbone and then prying them forward and out of his body while he was still alive. Such bestiality is impossible to comprehend, although modern day terrorist have at times rivaled this brutality.

[10]. John Campbell, Earl of Loudon had been named to replace William Shirley as Governor of Massachusetts in January of 1756. He took charge of military operations in the colonies upon his arrival in August of 1756.

[11]. The military cemetery at Fort William Henry still exists. A small section of it is covered over now by a building constructed of logs. The building has glass walls so that visitors may look into the interior. Approximately six feet below ground level the visitor can see the skeletons of a number of soldiers who had been buried in the cemetery. The bodies were laid neatly in rows and apparently were placed in the ground without any distinction made for rank. Only this very small area of the cemetery remains. The original cemetery was considerably larger, but the area is now covered over by parking lots and lawns.

[12]. "The Last of the Mohicans" by James Fenimore Cooper is perhaps the best piece of historical fiction written about the fall of Fort William Henry, and the motion picture of the same title, starring Randolph Scott as Hawkeye, was Hollywood's tribute to the tragic events which occurred there. A large bronze plague was placed on a stone monument near the fort by the Royal Sussex Regimental Association. This plague reads as follows: "This plaque commemorates the memory of those officers, N.C.O.s and men of the 35th Regiment of Foot (now the Royal Sussex Regiment), their wives and families who lost their lives during the defence of Port William Henry, and the subsequent massacre by hostile Red Indians after the surrender and evacuation of the fort in 1757.

[13]. Major-General James Abercromby was, in 1758, the incompetent successor to the previously incompetent military commander the Earl of Loudon. Brigadier General Lord George Augustus Viscount Howe was the officer upon who fell the direct responsibility for the attack on Fort Ticonderoga. Howe was considered to be a military genius and was much respected by provincial and regular soldiers alike. Leading from the front, Lord Howe was killed during the attack on the fort.

[14]. Hollywood took up this story in the motion picture "Northwest Passage" starring Spencer Tracy and Robert Young. Although the title gives the impression that the movie deals with Rogers' desire to explore a route to the Pacific Ocean, the movie's plot concerns itself entirely with the Ranger's attack on the Abenakis at Odenak.

[15]. Rogers actually filed suit against General Gage in the amount of twenty thousand pounds for damages and injuries. Rogers’ allegations charged Gage with trespass, assault, false imprisonment, and unlawful conversion of goods. These allegations all originated from the conspiracy entered into by Johnson and Gage in an effort to discredit Rogers' conduct as Governor at Ft. Michilimackinac.

[16]. The Queen's Rangers were raised in August of 1776 with men from New York and western Connecticut, and with men from the Queen's Loyal Virginia Regiment. The regiment participated in the Philadelphia campaign in 1777 and was present at the battles of Brandywine and Germantown. The Queen's Rangers returned to New York in 1778 and fought at Monmouth Court House. The regiment was officially taken on the rolls of the British Army in America as the 1st American Regiment on the 2nd of May 1779. In 1781 the regiment was sent to Virginia and was surrendered at Yorktown. In 1777 Rogers had given up command of the Queen's Rangers and went to Nova Scotia where he raised a unit of about 250 men which he called the King's Rangers. This unit served throughout the American Revolution in Nova Scotia and was disbanded there in 1783.

[17]. Warfare in the 18th century allowed for the exchange of prisoners of war and for the "paroling" of officers. A paroled officer was returned to his own side after promising that he would not take up arms for the remainder of the war against the side granting him the parole. As officers were considered to be gentlemen, their word was sufficient to secure their release. Violation of one's parole would cause one to be branded as a renegade. If captured again the officer would be treated as a criminal, with dire consequences. Violation of parole could also make life difficult for other prisoners awaiting release by the enemy under similar terms.

[18]. A bronze plaque on a stone monument north of Fort Erie, Ontario and directly opposite the city of Buffalo describes Navy Island and the significant events which occurred there. The plaque reads as follows: "The British used Navy Island from 1761 to 1764 as a shipyard in which to build the first British decked vessels to sail the upper lakes. These were essential in maintaining the supply lines westward during Pontiac's uprising, 1763-4. Thereafter the island remained undisturbed until 14 December 1837 when William Lyon Mackenzie, after being defeated at Toronto, led a 'Patriot1 army from Buffalo to occupy it. Swift reaction by local militia and British regulars prevented his moving to the mainland and on 14 January 1838, facing a hopeless situation, he abandoned the island.

[19]. The Peterborough Rifle Company eventually became the 57th Peterborough Battalion of Infantry on the 3rd of May 1867. It was redesignated the 57th Battalion of Infantry (Peterborough Rangers) on 16 January 1880, the 57th Regiment Peterborough Rangers on 8 May 1900, and The Peterborough Rangers on 5 June 1920. The regiment amalgamated with the 3rd The Prince of Wales Dragoons and HQ and C Companies of the 4th Machine Gun Battalion on 15 December 1936.

[20]. The 3rd, The Prince of Wales Dragoon Guards was raised on 30 April 1875 as the 3rd Provisional Regiment of Cavalry at Peterborough, Ontario. It was redesignated the 3rd Provisional Regiment of Cavalry The Prince of Wales Canadian Dragoons on 14 October 1881 and later the designation was changed to the 3rd The Prince of Wales Canadian Dragoons. The regiment amalgamated with The Peterborough Rangers and HQ and A Companies of the 4th Machine Gun Battalion on 15 December 1936.

[21]. The 40th Northumberland Battalion of Infantry was raised at Cobourg, Ontario on 16 October 1866. It was redesignated the 40th Northumberland Regiment on 8 May 1900, The Northumberland (Ontario) Regiment on 15 March 1920, and The Northumberland Regiment on 15 May 1924. The regiment amalgamated with The Durham Regiment on 15 December 1936 to form The Midland Regiment.

[22]. The origins of the Midland Battalion are somewhat obscure although it is certain that it was formed in Midland, Ontario prior to 1885. The battalion was absorbed at some time by The Northumberland and Durham Regiments and eventually became a part of The Midland Regiment (Northumberland & Durham) which was formed at Midland on 15 December 1936. It was redesignated The Midland Regiment on 1 April 1946 and amalgamated with The Hastings and Prince Edward Regiment on 1 September 1954.

[23]. Drumlins are glacial formations which have a cigar-shaped appearance and are usually 50 feet to 100 feet high and often over half a mile long. The Peterborough Drumlin Field extends over much of south-central Ontario/ but is best developed east of the city.

[24]. St. Luke's Church still stands today, but it is now the home of the Peterborough Theatre Guild.

[25]. One of the original pine trees is still standing to this day in the woods to the east of the house. The original tract of land as owned by H.C. Rogers comprised one acre and is almost still intact. The north 39 feet of the property were sold in 1914 and a house was built upon the resulting lot.

[26]. Mrs. Martha Ann Kidd and her family were the owners of "The Pines" at the time that this book was being researched.

[27]. The original drill shed in Peterborough was a large wooden structure with gabled roof and buttressed walls. The drill shed was completed in May of 1867. Today the old wooden drill shed is gone and has been replaced by a brick drill hall for "B" Company of the Hastings & Prince Edward Regiment.

[28]. In "Kingston, Historic City" Captain J.R. McKenzie wrote: "There have always been soldiers in Kingston. Soldiers were here before the settlers and there are soldiers here today. Despite the diversities of the modern city the mark left by the military is still evident at every turn... The story of Kingston's early development is, in reality, the story of the British Garrison".

[29]. The 1878 Atlas of the City of Kingston shows Point Frederick and Fort Henry lying within the boundaries of what was then known as the Barriefield Military Reserve.

[30]. Colonel Sir Percy Girouard, Royal Engineers. Director of Railways in the Sudan, 1896; President of the Egyptian State Railways and Telegraphs, and the Port of Alexandria, 1898; Director of Railways in South Africa, 1899; KCMG, 1900; High Commissioner and Commander-in-Chief of Northern Nigeria, 1907-1909; Retired from the Army, 1912; Director General of Munitions, 1915; Died in 1932. Colonel Sir Eduouard Percy Granwill Girouard was one of Canada's most famous sons.

[31]. William Grant Stairs, Captain, the Welch Regiment. Born at Halifax, Nova Scotia, 1863; Lieutenant, Royal Engineers, 1885-1891; On the staff of the Emin Pasha Relief Expedition under H.M. Stanley, 1887; In command of the Katanga Expedition, 1892; Died of fever at Chindi on the Zambesi, 9 June 1892.

[32]. The RMC Graduation List of 1889 included: H.S. Rogers, B.H. Eraser, G.H.M. Baker, R.W. Simpson, E.A. Whitehead, W.A.H. Kerr, H. Ritchie, E.T.B. Gilmore, H.H. Williams, B. McLennan, W.A. Hamilton, and C.W. Bermingham.

[33]. Nizam is the title of the prince of Hyderabad (from the Hindi meaning regulator).

[34]. Colonel Guy Hamilton Rogers; QBE, 1945; Educated Trinity College School, Port Hope, Ontario, and RMC, Kingston; Married to Marion, daughter of W. Hugh Knight of Townsend House, Limington, Somerset, 1911; Children, one son and two daughters; Great War service: 1914-19 in Mesopotamia, G.S.O. (1) A.H.Q. India, 1917-19; Brevet Lieutenant Colonel, 1919; G.S.O. (2) War Office, 1919-22; G.S.O. (1) War Office, 1925-29; Colonel, 1923; Retired, 1929; Home Guard, 1940-44; D.L. (1944) Somerset; Club, Army and Navy.

[35]. From Rogers' Presidential Address before the membership of The Institution of Structural Engineers delivered in 1938.

[36]. The Directorate of Fortification and Works had three Assistant Directors: Colonels C.B. Mayne, L.B. Friend, and G.K. Scott-Moncrieff, CIE; an Inspector of Electric Lights, Major W.B. Brown, RE; an Inspector of Iron Structures, Major T.H. Cochrane, MVO, RE; and four other Staff Captains besides Rogers, including Brevet Major A.J. Craven, RE and Captains E.D. Swinton, DSO, RE, J.B. MacGeorge, and C.E. Vickers, RE.

[37]. The Borstal system was a system of prison reforms which called for constant and radical adaptations in old prisons and the design and building of new establishments.

[38]. In "Army Honours and Awards" by J.B. Hayward and Son, Rogers is listed as a Temporary Brigadier-General. This temporary rank would have coincided with his posting as CRE of Corps Troops.

[39]. Sir Maurice Walker was Chairman of the Prison Commission from 1921 to 1927.

[40]. Foulkes was a Sapper officer who rose to the rank of Major-General. He was the father of the Royal Engineer Special Brigade, the unit that was responsible for gas warfare in France and Flanders for the British during the First World War.

[41]. Among the notable Old Comrades present were Major-Generals F.H. Kelly, CB, CMG, Sir William A. Liddell, KCMG, CB, Sir Henry F.E. Freeland, KCIE, CB7 DSO, MVO, Sir Andrew Stuart, Sir John E. Capper, KCB, KCVO (Colonel- Commandant, Royal Tank Corps), Sir Sydney D'A Crookshank, KCMG, CB, CIE, DSO, MVO, and R.N. Harvey, CB, CMG, DSO, Brigadier-Generals H.O. Mance, CB, CMG, DSO, and R.B.D. Blakeney, CMG, DSO, and Colonel G.F. Leverson, CB, CMG.

[42]. From a note written by H.S. Rogers on the bottom of his Record Sheet for the Royal Military College Club of Canada.

[43]. The eulogy was part of Guy Rogers’ obituary which is kept on file in the museum of the Durham Light Infantry.